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PROCEEDINGS 



FOURTH NEW -ENGLAND 



ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION, 



HELD IN BOSTON, 



May 30» 31, and Jane 1 aud 3, 1837. 




BOSTON: 

PRINTED BY ISAAC KNAPP, 

25, CORNHILL. 

1837. 



The Convention then appointed the following committees : 

Committee on Finance — John E. Fuller and Nathaniel Southard. 

Committee to prepare a Roll of Members — Joshua Coffin, Na- 
thaniel Southard, O. P. Bacon. 

Committee on Business — Henry B. Stanton, John G. Whittier, 
Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Charles Fitch, William Goodell, James G. 
Birney, Amos A. Phelps, Samuel J. May. 

The Convention having been organized, prayer was offered by 
Samuel J. May. 

The President read a communication from the Committee of 
Park-street meeting-house, offering said house for the use of the 
Convention on Thursday forenoon : whereupon, 

On motion of Samuel J. May, 

Voted, Tliat the Convention gratefully accept the use of said meeting-house, and 
will meet therein on Tiiursday morning at 9 o'clock ; and that the Secretaries be 
instructed to give notice of said meeting in the daily papers. 

Henry B. Stanton, chairman of the Committee on Business, 
presented a series of resolutions, and addressed the Convention as 
follows : 

By being unexpectedly placed at the head of the Committee on 
Business, it becomes my unanticipated duty to make a few remarks, 
preparatory to entering upon our duties, and explanatory of the 
topics which may occupy the attention of this Convention. 

It may be useful to look back at the position of our sacred cause, 
when we assembled on a like occasion in this city, one year ago, 
and mark its progress during the past year. 

We were then struggling for the right of free discussion. We 
knew that slavery and free discussion could not co-exist, and the 
desperation with which our opponents have contested this point 
confirms our opinion. Slavery and free discussion are eternal an- 
tagonisms. Every slaveholder holds his slaves from choice ; from 
the inclination of his will ; and the change of that will must pre- 
cede voluntary emancipation. This change, if produced at all, 
must be by arguments to his understanding, and appeals to his 
heart. And, sir, if the slaveholder be a man, and has a heart and 
an intellect, free discussion, if it can reach him, will awake his 
conscience, and beget in him a conviction of the common broth- 
erhood of man, of the oneness of his blood ; a conviction, that man 
cannot rightfully make property of his fellow man. This will impel 
him to the act of emancipation. We need not look beyond this 
platform to see one, to whom the voice of free discussion has spoken, 
and who, at that voice, tore off the grave clothes of a buried con- 



science, arose from tlie dead, and now stands before the world, a 
repentant slaveholder, and the noble advocate of the rights of man.* 
Do the Presidents, and the Governors, and the Judges, and the 
mighty in Church and State, hope to put down free discussion ? 
And in America too ! America is the favorite child of free discus- 
sion. The revolution which gave birth to our fair Republic, was 
primarily a revolution of opinion, induced by free discussion. 
Faneuil Hall first resounded to the clash of mind with mind, before 
Bunker Ilill shook with the clash of arms. And yet, here, in New- 
England, by the side of the Cradle of Liberty, they thought to put 
down free discussion, by threatening the sons who were rocked in 
that cradle with indictment at common law, if they dared to vin- 
dicate the doctrine of their fathers ! They called us before the 
legislature of this State to shew cause, why our mouths should not 
be slopped, and then refused to hear us at all. But the people 
have rebuked them. 

In the Congress of the United States, the enemies of free dis- 
cussion have not only attempted to crush it, but have denied the 
right of petition, and sought to expel from his seat, a represen- 
tative from New-England, for raising his voice in defence of the 
slave, on the floor of that body. Little did they know of the spirit 
of the pilgrims, who laid the foundations of this great people in the 
right of free discussion ; little did they understand with whom they 
had to deal, or they would have selected some other than John 
duincy Adams, a representative from the Old Colony, to put the 
gag on — by a public censure for the exercise of freedom of speech. 
His triumph was complete. 

Under God, then, sir, we stand here to-day, in the full enjoy- 
ment of freedom of speech ; and before the persevering exercise 
of this right, slavery cannot stand. 

It is said, we have done nothing, because we have not accom- 
plished our object ; i. e. we have not freed the slaves. 

But a great deal was to be done, in removing the obstacles that 
stood in the way of our progress. The first thing was to begin. 
There was a dreadful indifference in the land to the condition of 
the slave, more dangerous than open opposition. This indifference 
was to be roused ; and to do it, there came a thunder-blast, in the 
person of William Lloyd Garrison. I bless God for thunder and 
lightning, as well as for pleasant May mornings. AVe roused the 
sleeping nation ; and that was storming one battery that stood be- 

* Alluding to Jamea G. Uirney. 



tween us and the strong hold of slavery. Then there was another 
strong outpost — Colonization. It was designed to hurl two mil- 
lions and a half of men and women, long the victims of oppression, 
to a land of darkness and crime, to perish unheeded, because they 
had a skin not colored like our own. That battery had to be si- 
lenced before we could go forward a step in the cause of emanci- 
pation. We have carried it ; or at all events, its guns are spiked. 
This brought us to the bulwarks of free discussion, and having 
carried them, the battle-axe is now thundering at the very gates of 
the citadel. During the past year, the people have risen to the 
maintenance of the right of petition. At the last session, we sent 
the names of 110,000 free citizens, to ask of Congress the aboli- 
tion of slavery in the District of Columbia. At the previous ses- 
sion, we had but 30,000 petitioners. The South, sir, as was said 
by a Representative, was alarmed, agitated, frightened from her 
propriety, to see such an avalanche of petitions coming down upon 
them. This brought up the resolution of Jan. 18th, which laid 
upon the table, unread and unreferred, every petition relating to 
slavery, as if it were so much blank paper ; — an outrage upon the 
right of petition, which would not have been tolerated even in a 
monarchy. The king of Great Britain, previous to the Revolution, 
never refused to hear the petitions of the Colonies. Sir, our re- 
publican functionaries have stepped beyond the bounds of monarch- 
ical privilege; and our chief magistrate has lent to it the sanction 
of his authority. It was justly said by a venerable member of 
the Massachusetts Legislature, ' that if the King of Great Britain 
had declared beforehand (as has our President) that he would not 
suffer an act of Parliament to pass, he could not have held his seat 
on the throne for a year, such would have been the popular in- 
dignation.' 

Sir, the attempt to gag us in Congress did not fully succeed. It 
was manfully resisted by at least one Representative from a free 
State ; and if ever there was an exhibition of the moral sublime, it 
was the rising of John Quincy Adams in Congress, in the midst of 
an unparalleled excitement, when the demoniac rage of the slave- 
holding representatives was dashing its wild wave through the 
House, to roll back the torrent of indignation and menace that had 
been poured down upon him, for asking if the slave had the right 
to cry for mercy. 

The right of the slave to petition ! This it was that struck ter- 
ror to the conscience of the slaveholder. This it was, that raised 



before his scared imagination, the long catalogue of wrongs and 
crimes, which his victim might lay to his charge. This it was, that 
flashed upon his frighted vision the damning truth, that the slave 
was a MAN. It was the spear of Ithuriel, touching the toad, which 
started up a devil, on the floor of Congress. They had not mind- 
ed us, so long as we only talked about the matter, in remote Nevr- 
England ; but to hear in Congress, an Ex-President of the United 
States vindicating the right of the slave to petition, was as if a 
thunder-bolt had been hurled into their midst. It was indeed an 
exhibition of the moral sublime : — and not only the slave, but all 
moral agents, men or angels, owe thanks to John Quincy Adams, 
for maintaining the inalienable and precious rights of moral agency. 
And this fearless act of that truly great man appears the more 
noble, when contrasted with the craven conduct of those recreant 
Representatives, who deserted him in that hour. 

Let us next pass in this rapid review, to the glorious stand taken 
by the Massachusetts Legislature last winter ; doubly glorious when 
contrasted with the proceedings of her Legislature the year before, 
when Abolitionists barely escaped being indicted at common law, 
according to Gubernatorial advice, for using freedom of speech. 

In a perilous hour, Massachusetts stood erect — and all who knew 
Massachusetts, knew she would do it, sooner or later. They knew, 
that if she was compelled to speak on slavery, she would speak 
right. The only fear was, that she would be silent. But she did 
speak, and her language is worthy of her ancient fame. 

During the past year, the independence of Texas has been ac- 
knowledged. And what is Texas, that she should form a part of 
the great family of nations ? If there ever was a band of robbers, 
they live in Texas. If there ever was a gang of outlaws, they are 
in Texas. Who are their chief officers, their great men 1 The 
President of Texas is an outlaw in his own native Stale, Tennes- 
see. The Speaker of their House of Representatives is a con- 
victed felon, in the state of New- York. One of the officers in the 
army, is the unconvicted murderer, Robinson. Another of the 
principal officers of State was formerly a member of the U. S. 
Congress, and then of a State Legislature, from which he was ex- 
pelled for crimes not to be named. Yes, sir, we have acknowl- 
edged the independence of Texas. That is right, says the South. 
And what says the North ? Where was your Webster, when that 
act was done ? What said he on that occasion, fraught with such 
omens of ill to the Northern States ? He silently approved. To 



8 

acknowledge the Independence of Texas is right, says the great 
expounder, but don't let her come into the Union ! We will ac- 
knowledge her independence, raise her to the rank of a nation, 
fellowship her in the interchange of ministers, but she must not 
come into the fellowship of the Union, says Mr. Webster ! How 
long will he be able to say so ? Where was that gentleman, when 
this first step to the admission of Texas into the Union was taken ? 
Echo answers, where ? He did not record his vote, and the best 
apology we can make for him is, that he dodged the question. This 
was the preconcerted movement, preparatory to the introduction of 
Texas into the Union. It is more than hinted, that the next step 
is to be a treaty with Great Britain, to transfer the disputed part of 
Maine to her, if she will make no objection to Texas becoming a 
part of this Republic, What say your fellow-citizens of Maine, to 
this, Mr. President? Are they ready to be transferred to Great 
Britain, if she will not interfere with the admission of Texas to 
our Union, as a great slave mart for the Southern States? 

Will Texas come into the Union, you ask ? She will assuredly, 
unless the people rally. The consequences, what are they? If 
she comes in, men who now cling to the Union, and who would 
cling to it until it should seem abandoned by God himself; such 
men will say, let the Union be dissolved, if all its energies are to 
be exerted only to increase slavery, with its thousand untold hor- 
rors. Let it be dissolved, if it is to be a union to destroy the rights 
of man : — a union founded on the writhing hearts of millions : — a 
union bound together by sundered heart-strings ; — a union cement- 
ed with the blood of the slave. What will be the consequences? 
A majority of slave states in the Union, carrying before it all the 
measures of despotism for perpetuating slavery , — stopping the 
mouth of free discussion, expelling from the halls of Congress ev- 
ery man who dares to present a petition for the abolition of slave- 
ry, and trampling with iron heel on all the rights of man. Anoth- 
er consequence will be, a war with Mexico — a frontier war with 
the Indians — and, if the prophecy of Mr. Adams be true, a war with 
England. And all for what ? For the privilege of being admitted 
into the company, as fellow citizens, of a nest of Texan Republi- 
cans ! — for the privilege of tying a mill-stone to our necks, which 
will sink our nation forever ! 

Sir, all this is to be brought about, by the system of party poli- 
tics. All the North is to vote for the admission of Texas, that 
they may secure the South, in standing by them in the support of 



party measures. We all know how strong party discipline is. And 
how shall this be averted ? Action, and speedy action, alone can 
do it. We must rouse the people, to protest in thunder tones 
against it. The members of Congress from the North, who will 
dodge it, must be made to march up to it, at the point of the bay- 
onet of public sentiment. The united public voice, irrespective of 
the question of abolition, alone can keep out Texas, and prevent 
the unlimited extension of slavery; and, as a consequence, the dis- 
solution of the Union. 

But, sir,, to turn, for a moment, to the ecclesiastical branch of 
the subject. While the State has been active, the Church has not 
been idle. Among the important events of the past year, are the 
resolutions of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, 
at its session a year ago, on the sul)jectof slavery. The men who 
passed these resolutions were on board a ship, bound to that cele- 
brated spot, longsought for and never found, called Point-no-Point. 
They covertly condemned discussion, and deprecated agitation. 
But they could not tame the tides. And as a consequence of their 
action-no-action, Synods and Presbyteries have remonstrated 
against their course, and demanded positive action. Now the dis- 
cussion must come. Among the remonstrances presented, is one 
from our brethren in Scotland, which, if unrolled here, would ex- 
tend from the pulpit to the door of this house. Sir, they shall have 
enough of them sent to that body from abroad, to form a winding 
sheet, to wrap round the good name and christian reputation of 
the General Assembly, if they do not retract the stand they have 
taken for Slavery. 

The Congregational Association of Connecticut and Massachu- 
setts have also passed a string of resolutions on this subject. They 
have been dissected and dissolved, by the very able letters of broth- 
er Goodell, and nothing more need be said of them. I speak not 
of the painful doings of the last Methodist General Conference, at 
Cincinnati, but will come nearer home. The Methodist Confer- 
ence in New-York, a year ago, put the gag upon their ministers. 
They made the candidate for the ministry declare, that he would 
have nothing to do with the subject of slavery. What consisten- 
cy ! They first make him swear to take care of the souls of men, 
to labor and pray for the conversion of the heathen, and the poor 
and destitute in all lands, and then swear him to say not a word in 
behalf of two and a half millions of his own countrymen, groan- 
ing in bondage, and denied even to read the Bible. It was a year 
2 



10 

ago when this pledge was required of the candidates. That Con- 
ference recently had a meeting to receive candidates. The slave- 
ry gag was called for ; but it was not forth coming. A change 
had come over them. ' Times ain't now as they used to was,' as 
Leather Stocking says, and ' men can't do now as they used to 
could.' No, sir, gags are becoming unpopular. 

In conclusion, sir, the topics at which I have rapidly glanced, with 
others of equal importance, will occupy the attention of the Con- 
vention. 

Edicard T. Taylor, of Boston, said he doubted whether the 
Methodist Conference ever swore their ministers at all. 

H. JB. Stanton. I used the expression figuratively, for promise 
or covmant. Perhaps I was unhappy in selecting that word. 
E. T. Taylor. I should think it o// figurative. 
J. T. Woodbury. Does the gentleman deny that the Methodist 
Conference pledged their candidates not to speak upon slavery? 

//. B. Stanton. Brother Scott has the resolutions, which he 
can show the gentleman, and which he cannot dispute, though he 
disputes me. 

J. T. Woodbury. The gentleman shakes his head. Let him 
look at the proof, and then shake his head if he pleases. 

E. T. Taylor. The gentleman is able to shake his head, and 
to substantiate it. There is no such thing as that in the Methodist 
Conference. They are Bible Christians, and swear not at all. 

Samuel J. May. The gentleman who has been speaking, is 
Edward T. Taylor, Seamen's minister, of this city. Let us under- 
stand each other. I ask him whether he means to say, that the 
Methodist Conference did not require a pledge, or solemn promise, 
of their candidates for the ministry, that they would not speak of 
slavery ? The word swear I regretted was used. It was merely 
figurative, however, meaning a solemn pledge. Does the Rev. Mr. 
Taylor deny this ? 

Nathaniel Colver. Let him not dodge the question. 
jE. T. Taylor. Those who know him, know he don't dodfje 
any thing. He is an old man-of-war's-man. Sir, there was no 
swearing the candidates. Old men, sir, have a right to advise 
young men. There was some advice on the subject. Sir, I am in 
a Methodist meeting-house, and I have been in the battle-field with 
the Methodists these fifty years. They never gagged me, but they 
taught me to free men from chains of every kind. 
J. T. Woodbury. He is dodging the question. 



11 

The President of the Convention said he presumed there was 
no denial of the fact. The Resolutions would be produced. 

David H. Ela said, he presumed that Mr. Taylor would not 
deny that there was a pledge of the kind named. 

E. T. Taylor said— No.* 

On motion of A. A. Phelps, the following resolutions, being a 
part of the report of the Business Committee, were taken up for 
consideration. 

1. Resolved, That slavery in the District of Columbia has no warrant or sanction 
from the Constitution of the Uniieil States, but is a direct contravention of ilic great 
purposes for which that instrument was framed. 

2. Resolved, That slaverv in the District owes its present existence solely to an 
Act of Congress, restoring and perpetuating it, where it would otherwise have been 
left witliout any legal support or sanction whatever, and standing only upon its own 
execrable foundation of robbery and wrong. 

3. Resolved, That tiie people of the free States, by permitting their own represen- 
tatives to perpetuate and re-establish Slavery in the District, and to enact laws 
from time to time for its recognition and security, have given, and are still giving, a 
direct and powerful support to the entire system of slavery, and to all the uuacuuted 
iiorrors of that trallic iii human flesh, which is making the American name a by-word 
and a reproach, and kindling against us ihe displeasure of Heaven. 

4. Resolved, Therefore, that it is the solemn duty of the citizens o\ the free 
States to oiler, at the next session of Congress, their united and earnest remonstran- 
ces against the continuance of slavery in the District of Columbia; and to see to it, 
that through the prejudices, the cowardice, the party pledges, and political connexions 
of their representatives, they are no longer made partakers in the sin, and partners in 
the abomination. 

Souie inquiry was made as to the grounds on which slavery 
could exist in the District of Columbia after the cession of that 
District to the United States, and whether slavery existed there, by 
virtue of the laws of the States of Virginia and Maryland, or by 
act of Congress. 

H. B. Stanton contended, that upon the cession of the Dis- 
trict of Columbia to the U. States, with the entire jurisdiction, 
the laws of Virginia and Maryland, which had before governed .it, 
expired, and it was then in the power of Congress to establish 
new laws. Congress revived the local laws of Virginia and Mary- 



*The pledge above referred to is contained in the following resolution, which was 
produced in the afternoon, by Orange Scott. The resolution was passed by the 
N. Y. Conference of the M. E. Church in 1836. 

' Resolved, That, although we would not condemn any man, or withhold our suf- 
frages from him on account of his opinions, merely, in reference to the subject of abo- 
litionism, ypt we are decidedly of the opinion, that none ought to be elected to the 
office of a deacon or elder in our church, unless he give a PLEDGE to the Con- 
ference, that he will refrain from agitating the church with DISCUSSIONS on 
this subject; and the more especially, as the one promises to 'obey them to whom 
the ciiarge and government over him is committed, following with a glad mind and 
will their godly admonitions,' and the other, with equal solemnity, promises to ' main- 
tain and sr'l forward, as much as lieth in \um, quietness, peace and love among all 
christian peo|)le, and especially among them that are or shall be committed to their 
charge.' 



12 

land, by declaring them to be in force until others should be passed 
by Congress. If these laws, which sanctioned slavery, had not 
thus been revived by act of Congress, the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, which declares all men free and equal, and the preamble 
to the Constitution, would have given freedom to every slave in the 
District ; because there could have been no law to make a colored 
man a slave after the State laws ceased to operate, any more than 
to make a white inhabitant of tbe District a slave. It was there- 
fore correct to say, that slavery was established in the District of 
Columbia by a direct act of Congress. 

Alanson St. Claik of West Boylston, Mass. said, that the question 
was, whether Congress, under the Constitution, could originally, 
by law, establish slavery within its own jurisdiction. The Consti- 
tution was before the act of Congress which re-enacted the old 
laws of Virginia and Maryland touching slavery, and applied them 
to the District of Columbia. Congress having the exclusive ju- 
risdiction over the District of Columbia in all cases, no law could 
exist there, unless it was made a law by some act of Congress. 
Congress had no power to make any laws but what it derived from 
the Constitution. Then how could Congress, under the Constitu- 
tion, pass an act to establish slavery ? 

William Goodell of Utica, N. Y. — All agree that slavery ex- 
ists in the District of Columbia by the sanction and permission of 
Congress. The question then is, can slavery be established or 
permitted to exist by Congress, on a spot where no laws can exist 
but those passed by Congress, under the Constitution ? Congress 
adopted the existing laws of Maryland and Virginia, in relation to 
the District of Columbia, to remain in force until repealed, or oth- 
ers should take their place. Tiiis was in effect the same as if 
Congress had passed a law authorizing slavery in the District of 
Columbia. If Congress had not re-enacted tlie laws of the States 
of Virginia and Maryland, there could have been no slavery in the 
District. Whenever Congress repeals the law in that ref-pect, sla- 
very ceases. Hence it is obvious, that slavery was established and 
is continued in the District, solely by virtue of an act of Congress. 

H. C. Wright of Newbury. There was another point to be con- 
sidered. When Virginia and Maryland ceded the territory known 
as the District of Columbia to the U. States, they ceded to Con- 
gress, under the Constitution, the power ' to exercise exclusive 
legislation in all cases whatsoever over sucli District.' [Art. 1. Sec. 
8.] No law, therefore, could exist, after that cession, but by the 



13 

legislation of Congress. Now where did Congress get the power 
to establish slavery by any exercise of exclusive legislation ? What 
article in the Constitution gives to Congress power to make man a 
beast, and to hold him under ownership as a beast ? Yet Congress, 
by enacting that the laws of the Slates of Virginia and Maryland 
in regard to slavery, should be in force, did enact directly, that the 
citizens of the District of Columbia might own and hold man as a 
beast. In this way, the General Government is directly implicated 
in establishing slavery by an act of Congress; and where is the 
warrant in the Constitution for such an act? 

James G. Birney, of Cincinnati, Ohio. By the acts of cession 
on the part of Virginia and Maryland, Congress was not to own 
the soil, but the right of domain and the riglit of exclusive legisla- 
tion were vested in Congress. Could the right to hold slaves exist, 
without the legislation of Congress, even admitting, for the sake of 
tlic argument, slaves to be property 1 Congress having exclusive 
legislation in all cases whatsoever, there can be no law regulating 
the rights of property, except such laws as are established or re- 
cognized by the legislation of Congress. 

C. C. Burleigh, of Plainfield, Conn. The first position implied 
in the resolution, cannot be shaken, viz: that no law can exist in 
the District of Columbia without the act of Congress in the exer- 
cise of its exclusive legislation over that District. If slavery exists 
there, then it exists by act of Congress. This is what the Resolu- 
tion affirms. The Constitution is express on this point. It says 
that ' Congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislatioi), 
in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles 
square) as may, by cession of particular states, and the acceptance 
of Congress, become the seat of the Government of the United 
States.' The act of its cession by the States cannot interfere with 
ttiis. They could cede, and Congress could accept, on no other 
terms than the right to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases. 
Slavery cannot exist without law, and no law can exist in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia without Congress says it shall. Hence the ex- 
clusive legislation, which Congress had the right to exercise the 
moment the cession was made, was entirely independent of any 
acts of Virginia or Maryland, and could have no reference to, or be 
limited by them. 

In tlic act of cession on the part of Virginia, I believe, there was 
a provision tliat the laws of Vi ginia should remain in force, until 
Congress should pass other laws. There was no such provision in 



14 

tlie act of cession by Maryland. But this provision in the act of 
Virginia could not supersede or limit the provision in the Constitu- 
tion, that Congress should accept no cession from the States for the 
seat of Government, on any other terms than that of having the 
right of exclusive legislation therein. By the acceptance of Con- 
gress, therefore, all the right of law making for the District, passed 
out of the hands of Virginia, and the absolute jurisdiction, and the 
exclusive power of making laws, were given to Congress, without 
exception or limitation. This was then a moment of trial, in the 
transition of the law-making power from Virginia to the United 
States, when there was no law in the District of Columbia. Con- 
gress re-enacted the statutes which were in force in Virginia and 
Maryland, but which, without that enactment, would have expired; 
and thus, by a deliberate, original act of Congress, and that the 
first act of that body in relation to the District of Columbia, slavery 
was established by law, go that the whole system, the slave trade 
and all, stands out to the world, in each and every part, the sole, 
deliberate act of the Congress of the United States of America 1 
Then the question arises, slavery being the act of Congress, wheth- 
er there is any thing in the Constitution which authorizes or re- 
strains Congress in establishing slavery by law.* There is noth- 
ing in the Constitution which gives to Congress any power to es- 
tablish slavery in the District of Columbia. It cannot abolish it 
in the States, but it 'cannot establish it, in any place, not within the 
States, but under its own exclusive legislation. The Constitution 
reserves no right to slavery in the District which should be ceded 
for the seat of Government. The District of Columbia was not re- 
ferred to in the Constitution, as the place where the seat of Gov- 
ernment should be established. It might have been in a free State, 
in Philadelphia, Lancaster, or elsewhere, and if it had been, who 
pretends that Congress could have enacted that slavery should ex- 
ist there? But why not as well enact that the slavery laws of Vir- 
ginia and Maryland should be in force in the District of Columbia? 



* Aiinilier consideration occurs here. Congress lias the same ' exclusive legislation,' 
as ovei- the District of Coliiinliia, • over all places purchased by consent of the Legis- 
lature of liie State in whicli liie same shall be, fur the erection of forts, magazines, 
arsenals, dock yards and (Ulicr needful Imildings.' If, therefore. Congress enact laws 
sanctioning slavery in ilic District of Columbia, it can, at any mnment, etlablish by 
law, slavery in any of its forts, navy yards, &c. in any part of the United Slates. 
Thus C'ongress may pass an act authorizing slaves to be held as property, and the 
slave traffic to bo rarriod on, in the Charlestown Navy Vary at llie foot of Bunker 
Hill, ami at l"(.r( liidv|Krideucc, in Massacliu.-ett,,. If the original act establishing 
slavery in the District of (.'Oluiiibi.i was cunslitiitional, such an act must be also. 



15 

Therefore the Constitution did not provide for the existence of sla- 
very in ihe District of Cohimbia, nor has it required or authorized 
its existence there for one moment. We cannot go behind tlie 
Constitution for any pre-existing right, implied under the former 
laws of Virginia and Maryland ; for the acts of cession and of ac- 
ceptance by Congress were subsequent to the Constitution, and 
can neither enlarge nor limit the same.* 

The grant of power is the limit of legislation. Congress derives 
its powers solely from the Constitution, and the Constitution only 
can set limits to its exercise of legislation. The basis of the Con- 
stitution is fundamental right. No right is yielded that is not 
therein expressed. The British Constitution, which is not written, 
is a supposed declaration of certain fundamental inalienable rights. 
Our Constitution, which is specific, is a mere declaration of some 
of the fundamental and inalienable rights of man. It creates no 
right, but guards and secures right. The fundamental right of lib- 
erty of person, of individual freedom, existed before the Constitu- 
tion. It follows then, if there was no fundamental right to estab- 
lish slavery before the adoption of the Constitution, Congress could 
have no right to do it by virtue of the Constitution. 

Is there any fundamental principle of right for a State to estab- 
lish slavery? No. When the question of the admission of Mis- 
souri into the Union was under discussion in Congress, it was con- 
tended that she could, by a State act, establish slavery, though she 
should be admitted into the Union without slavery being sanction- 
ed. John Sargeant of Pennsylvania replied, that no State could of 
right establish slavery by law. By the Declaration of Independence, 
the declaration of fundamental right, all men are declared free and 
equal in practical rights. No State, under that declaration, cata 
establish slavery ; for if one class of men can be made slaves by law, 
we may all be made slaves. 

Suppose that the Governor of Massachusetts, in order to show 
our sympathy with southern slaveholders, and in order to establish 



* Test lliis l)y another argument. Suppose Virginia and Maryland slioidd aholi.ili 
slavery to-day. Does that abolish slavery in tlie District of C'oliimljia 1 No. Be- 
cause no n(U of the States can interfere with the ' exclusive legislation ' of Congress in 
tlie District. Slavery then would continue to exist, solely hy the act of Congress. But 
<or that act, therefore, slavery would have not existed in the District in its cession to 
the United States. 

This also demonstrates the power to abolish slavery in the District, simply because 
no other (jower can do it. No act of a Slate Legislature can reach the District. 
Hence if Congress cannot abolish slavery there, we should be driven to the absurdity 
ol having it perpetuated forever even if every .'•lave State in the Union should abolish 
slavery. If Congress has not the power, it exists no where. 



16 

M'Duffie's doctrine, that freedom cannot exist without slavery, 
should recommend to the Legislature to pass an act, that the me- 
chanics in your work shops and the operatives in your factories 
should be held as property by their employers. Do you think that 
such an act of this Legislature would make a single man a slave? 
Would your Supreme Court hold such a law to be constitutional ? 
Would Chief Justice Shaw, with his decision in Med's case, 
doit? Then if an independent Legislature could not establish 
slavery where it had ceased to exist, could Congress re-enact slave- 
ry in the District of Columbia, after the State laws that sustained it 
became null and void? 

May there not then, be a fair ground for the belief, that in point 
of fact there is no legal slavery in the District of Columbia ? There 
can be no slavery under the Constitution of the U. States, aside 
from the States. There can be no slavery any where, if the Courts 
would interpret the laws as they ought to be interpreted, on the 
broad, everlasting basis of equal rights, that there can be no prop- 
erty in man. Legislation begins with the law of God as its basis. 
Then no statute that is immoral, that sets aside the first principle 
of human right, can be legal. Can an act of a Legislature legalize 
wrong? Let the Legislature declare sheep-stealing lawful; can 
they make it so? No; the Courts would say, what every citizen 
would say, that it was contrary to morals and sound policy, and set 
it aside. How then can law sanction man-stealing? 

Are the plain principles of right, which apply to property, less 
imperative, less binding, wlven applied to man attempted to be held 
as property? If I take my neighbor's property, if I so much as 
lake from him his pocket handkerchief, it is wrong; it is theft or 
robbery, and no law on earth, and none in heaven, can make it right 
that I should rob my neighbor. In this all will agree; but 1 go 
farther, and not only take the pocket handkerchief, but take the 
whole man, handkerchief and all, and claim him as my property, 
by virtue of transfer from the man who first stole him, or by any 
other pretended claim — what then ? Can the Legislature legalize 
stealing the man, when they could not legalize stealing the hand- 
kerchief from a man's pocket? No. If I am found with stolen 
goods, though it be but a pocket handkerchief, I must give it up; 
but if I am in possession of a stolen man, I may hold him! On 
what pretence can this be shown to be law or common sense? 

Again, we have at Washington a market, licensed by act of Con- 
gress, for the sale of human flesh, of men, women and children, who 



17 

have been stolen. Now I ask, by what authority is this done? Is 
it by the act of the Legislature of Virginia or Maryland ? No ; for 
they cannot legislate for the District of Columbia. It is Congress 
then, and Congress alone, that authorizes the traffic in human 
flesh in the District of Columbia. Now can Congress, or can any 
Legislature, legalize the selling of stolen goods, either by those 
who first stole them, or by the receivers of such goods, knowing 
them to be stolen? No. Will the Constitution sanction it? No. 
If, then, no law-making power can sanction what is manifestly im- 
moral and wrong, on fundamental principles; and if such laws re- 
lating to property, would be set aside by the Courts as immoral, 
and contrary to sound policy, where, 1 ask, is the authority to es- 
tablish slavery and the slave trade? Why, sir, if the great men of 
the land, who make and expound the laws, would only take up their 
Blackstones, and their Kents and Storys, and study the first prin- 
ciples of right and of natural justice, we should overthrow slavery 
at once. It could not stand a moment. Natural justice, morals, 
religion, are against it. There is not a principle establishing right 
against wrong, that does not oppose it. If, then, Congress is not 
answerable for the existence of slavery in the District of Columbia, 
let it be shown. If it is responsible fof that stain upon our free in- 
stitutions, then the resolutions must stand. 

William Goodell contended that Congress, under the Consti- 
tution, could do nothing plainly contrary to natural justice. The 
Constitution, as the preamble declares, was established, in order to 
establish justice. Slavery was the grossest injustice, and therefore 
could not be established by the Constitution. Congress could pass 
no law under the Constitution taking away property from one man, 
and giving it to another. How then could it take away the ina- 
lienable right which every man has to be free ? 

Orangf. Scott of Lowell, Mass. would put a case to test the 
right of Congress to establish slavery in the District of Columbia. 
Suppose that when the District was ceded to the U. States, the 
wise men in Congress had taken it into their heads that it was best 
to raise up a large race of men, and for this purpose had selected 
those under size, or having any -defect in person, and sent them 
out of the District, or sold them as slaves. Would they have had any 
right to make this distinction, or any distinction between the peo- 
ple of that District? Clearly not. Congress could not even take 
the property, much less the persons of individuals. By what right, 
then, could Congress declare certain persons to be slaves, or sane- 



18 

tion any law by which they could be held as such in a place where 
no power but Congress could make or enforce any law ? The Con- 
stitution declare? that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, 
or property, but by due process of law. The process of law here 
meant, is not an act of the Legislature, but process of law accord- 
ing to the established forms of trial in Courts of law, such as an 
indictment for instance, by which alone a man can be deprived of 
his liberty. By what process of law were the colored people in the 
District of Columbia made slaves ? Were, they ever indicted 1 
When and by whom were they doomed to slavery ? By the laws 
of Maryland and Virginia? But these laws only applied to those 
that were slaves in the District of Columbia, before its cession to 
the U. States. Upon that cession, the laws of those States ceased 
to exist. How did those who have since been made slaves there 
become such, except by act of Congress, and where did Congress 
get the power to establish slavery ? Sir, I take the ground, that the 
whole system of slavery is unconstitutional, null and void, and the 
time is coming when the Judges of the land will pronounce it so. 
So far from the Constitution authorizing or permitting slavery, it 
was established to guard life, liberty and property. Let the advo- 
cates of slavery show a provision in the Constitution which au- 
thorizes Congress to pass a law making one man the property of 
another, or let them show by what process of law, the slaves in the 
District of Columbia have been deprived of liberty. Where does 
the Constitution say that one half of the people in the District of 
Columbia shall be held as slaves by the other half? Would such a 
provision in the Constitution have been sanctioned? I trow not. 

Nathaniel Colver of Washington Co. New York — There is 
no such thing as natural slavery. The only pretended right to 
hold men as slaves is in some statute. No recognition of this 
right, independent of express statute, is found in the Common Law, 
in natural Justice, or in the Constitution. It has been shown that 
all pre-existing state laws, affecting the District of Columbia, be- 
came null and void on the cession of that District to the United 
States. No reservation was made that any of the state laws should 
continue in force after Congress liad accepted of the ceded Dis- 
trict, nor had Congress any power to admit such reservation. 
The act of Congress, continuing the existing State laws in force, 
was so far a statute enacting slavery by Congress. Congress, 
therefore, in violation of the Constitution, l)ecaine slave makers, 
for it never could have been contcmphited, by those who framed 



19 

the Constitution, that a nation of freemen would have become a 
nation of slave makers. Who could have believed that the same 
legislative body which abolished the foreign slave trade, and made 
it piracy, would have established by law, the same horrid traffic in 
human flesh, in the District of Columbia? Where is the differ- 
ence between the traffic abroad and at home ? Is it less felonious, 
less unjust, or less a violation of natural right ? Is it less a sin in 
the sight of Heaven, because it is committed in the District of 
Columbia, than if perpetrated on the African sea-board? Men 
and women are chained, imprisoned, driven to the shambles, sold 
under the hammer, packed on board of vessels, and shipped like 
cattle for a market. What is done worse than this, on the coast 
of Africa ? And is this the fruit of a Constitution to establish 
justice and the rights of man ? Is this a country of liberty? 
Would not our fathers, who poured out their blood for that liberty, 
as soon have thought that Congress would become slave deal- 
ers as that they would become slave makers ? Is the Constitution 
a guaranty for the rights of man, or is it not 1 If it is, then the 
violation of those rights is a violation of the Constitution. Slave- 
ry is in direct opposition to all the fundamental rights secured by the 
Constitution. And yet, we are all made a nation of slaveholders 
by the act of Congress establishing slavery and the slave trade in 
the District of Columbia. We are all involved in the guilt. Does 
the Constitutio!! give Congress the power to make me and you a 
slaveholder against our will? By what right does Congress make 
you and me participators, accessories as it were, to the slave trade ? 
And yet it is a known fact that in the District of Columbia, over 
which the whole people of these United States have given Congress 
exclusive legislation, there is the worst slave market in the world. 
There is no spot on earth where the degradation of slavery is more 
keenly felt by those who become its victims. The slaves in that 
District are generally much improved. The light of intelligence 
has shone upon them. They are comparatively well informed. 
Many of them are Christians, and some of them ministers of the 
gospel. But the more intelligent, the more improved and refined 
they may be, the higlier price they will bring in the market. Do 
you see that female, of delicate appearance and even elegant man- 
ners, scarcely distinguishable in complexion from the most accom- 
plished lady in the land ? Do you hear her shrieks ? The grasp 
of the slaveholder is upon her, to drag her away to the hold of the 
slave ship, and convey her to the seraglio of some despot who will 



20 

pay the highest price for her person.* Now, Sir, was the Constitu- 
tion intended to sanction such an outrage as that ? I know it is 
said that we must not interfere with slavery, but must let the States 
where it exists act for themselves, because we have nothing to do 
with it there. Even if it were true as to the States, it is not true 
as to the District of Columbia. There we are all alike implicated, 
free States as well as slave States ; for we find that almost the first 
act of Congress was to establish slavery in the District of Colum- 
bia. This brings us in, and against this we protest. It makes us 
sharers in the guilt and sin, and we want to wash our hands of it. 
This can only be done by Congress, which established slavery there, 
abolishing it. The same power, which in the name of the whole 
nation did the wrong, must undo it. 

A. A. Phelps — In regard to the District of Columbia, there was 
the old Sovereignty, that of the States of Virginia and Maryland, 
and the new Sovereignty, that of the U. States. By the Constitu- 
tion and laws of Virginia, slavery is established, but Congress has 
no power to establish slavery. Now if tiie old Sovereignty did not 
exist in the District, but had given place to the new, how could 
slavery exist there ? Virginia says, my claim to hold slaves in the 
District is just. The Constitution recognizes no such claim in 
the District. Hence, if the law-making power in the District says 
my claim is just, it makes the man my slave de novo. Now, if 
Congress does this, it fails to accomplish one of the great objects 
for which it was established, and fails to do it in the place where 
Congress alone has power to pass laws. 

I. I. Apn.ETON of Cambridge, Mass. said, that the last resolu- 
tion, calling upon the people to remonstrate against the continuance 
of slavery in the District of Columbia, was a pledge to procure 



*Tliis is not a fancy picture. Occurrences of the kin:l are not unfrequent in con- 
nexion with ilie Jouicstic slave trade in the District of Coluuibia. During the last 
winter, a young girl, who would pass for a white person, possessed of no ordinary per- 
sonal cluirins, was exposed to sale in Washington, as part of the cflecls of the estate 
of a deceased person in'Virginia. Her graiuhnolhci-, who was a free woman, was 
nearly white. The girl had been hioughl np in the family, more as a companion than 
a slave, and liad been treated with unusual kindness. On the dcaih of her master, the 
settlement (if liis estate devolved upon a ()rofessional gentleman in Washinglon, and 
among the personal eJlpcts, this unfortunate girl was sent llure to be sold. Her grand- 
mother arcutnpanied her. 'IMic beauty of (he girl attracted the attention of an un- 
principled person, who dctorniincd to buy her, and take her to New Orleans, for base 
purposes. The distress of the grandmother and the helplessness of the girl, excited 
tiic interest of niiinv, and the gentleman who had the s( tiling of the estate, exrted 
himself to obtain the sum necessary to purchase her freedom. ^'700 had been olFcrcU 
for her, and thegenth-inan obtained if^'SOl by subscription; but whether he succeeded 
in preventing the sacrifice of the poor girl, we are unable to state. 



21 

new signatures to petitions to the next Congress. In this way alone 
could the people of the free States relieve their consciences from . 
copartnership in the guilt of slavery. We might not all of us live 
to see the deliverance of our country from slavery, but we should 
meet the approbation of our consciences, if we did all in our power 
to throw off this accursed system, that made us odious in the eyes 
of the nations of tlic whole earth, and which would surely bring 
down upon us the vengeance of a just God. Sir, said Mr. A., I 
hear the distant thunders of that voice which is to call on this na- 
tion to answer for the guilt of slavery, in the calamities that now 
afflict our men of business in all parts of the Union. The slave- 
holder at the South and the apologist for slavery at the North are 
alike overtaken. It is the warning voice to repent in season, and 
do works meet for repentance, and when I think that God is just, 
and that his anger will not always sleep, I tremble for my country. 
It will sooner or later visit the workers of iniquity. 

George Russell of Kingston, Mass. — considered the last reso- 
lution as the most important in its practical effect. Congress must 
not be a day in session without some petition knocking at their 
door for freedom to the slave. Not but that the members of 
Congress knew their duty, but when they neglect their duty, 
as they have so long done in the case of slavery in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia, we should tell them of it, without ceasing, 
until they act. To do this effectually, petitions should go forth 
from every part of the land. 

J. G. BiRNEY — The act of the members of Congress, in relation 
to slavery in the District of Columbia, is one of omission and not 
commission. This is a common guilt. By their act of omission, 
slavery is continued, and by our act of omission in not calling upon 
the Representatives of the people to abolish slavery in the District 
of Columbia, Congress is not driven to act. We are called on to 
act as much as they. They are the servants of the people, and 
will obey the voice of the people. It is therefore the duty of the 
people to re(iuire and to stimulate them to act. It is as much our 
duty to call upon Congress to abolish slavery, as it is the duty of 
Congress to abolish it. We must not only sign petition.^, but must 
induce others to do so, and cause a united cfibrt to be made through- 
out the land. What is the use of talking against slavery, if we do 
not carry out our principles ? It cannot be done by t;ilking here, 
but by carrying our princii>les into the Government, and making the 
Government act out abolition. Some say that we are baffled in 



22 

every thing, because our petitions are refused. I do not think so. 
I think that every application to Congress, and every discussion in 
Congress on our petitions, "has been a victory. When did so great 
a subject excite so much inquiry in so short a time? When you 
began to discuss this question, the whole country was asleep. It 
is now awake. The country is becoming convinced of the injus- 
tice and inconsistency of slavery, and we must not stop here, or we 
shall fall into the sin of which we accuse others. With every new 
effort, we gain new strength ; every seeming defeat is a victory. 
This begins to be understood. The Northern members of Con- 
gress for a long time deceived the Southern members, and probably 
were deceived themselves, as to the strength and extent of aboli- 
tion efforts. When Abolitionists first petitioned Congress, the 
North told the South that the Abolitionists were nobody, and that 
they had no strength. At the next session, Mr. Calhoun rose with 
a paper in his hand, and accused the North of having deceived the 
South as to the number, character and strength of the Abolition- 
ists. Petitions for the abolition of slavery continued to increase, 
and at the last session of Congress, those who had assured the 
South that we were few and feeble, were obliged to admit that we 
were many and strong, and that, instead of being miserable fana- 
tics and unprincipled men, as had been pretended, the Abolition- 
ists were an intelligent and virtuous portion of the population. Is 
nothing gained then ? The Northern members, who had promised 
the South that they would put down Abolition at home, have been 
obliged to tell them tliat it is too strong for them, and when re- 
proached for having deceived the South as to the strength of the 
Abolitionists, they have been compelled to admit that they were de- 
ceived themselves. We have only to double the number of our 
petitions at the next Congress, and we shall add, in the same pro- 
portion, to the estimation in which Abolitionists will be held. 
Discerning men begin to see that Abolition must prevail. If we 
persevere, it will soon be seen which way the current must run, 
and then men will leap into it, and see who c;jn swim most bravely. 
The Resolutions were unanimously adopted, and the Convention 
adjourned till 3 o'clock, P. M. 

AFTERNOON SESSION. 
Prayer was offered by Ti.motuy Meruitt. 
On motion of John E. Fuller, 

Resolved, Thai all gentlemen present, who wish to take part in the proceedings of 
this Convention, and who arc friendly to the immediate nbolilion of slavery, be invit- 
ed to become members. 



23 

The Convention proceeded to the consideration of the following 
resolutions : 

Resolved. That the manly stand taken by the Legislature of Vermont against tlie 
arrogant demands of the South, and by the Massachusetts Legislature in defence of 
the Right of Petition, — the almost unanimous decision of the Senate of the latter, 
that ' the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia is demanded by the en- 
lightened sentiments of (he civilized world, by the principles of the Revolution, and 
by Humanity,' — and the unanimous passage, by both branches, of a law aftortling lO 
persons claimed as fugitive slaves, the right of trial by jury, are new and glorious 
evidences of a reviving of the ancient spirit of liberty among us, — contrasting hon- 
orably with the recreant and craven conduct of the Legislatures of New Hampshire, 
Connecticut and Maine. 

Resolved, That the attacks which have been made by our National Legislature upon 
the Right of Petition, reveal the deadly hostility of the abettors of slavery to llie vital 
principles of our free institutions, showing that they are willing to sacrifice to oppres- 
sion all that freemen hold dear — and loudly summon all, who are not willing them- 
selves to bo brought into subjection, to prosecute, with untiring activity and invincible 
determination, all proper measures to extirpate slavery from our land. 

Resolved, 'I'hat we are under high obligations to the Hon. JOHN QULNCY 
ADAMS, for his fearless, untlincliing advocacy and defence of the right of petition. 
We regard his conduct, during the last session of Congress, as a crisis in the civil 
history of our country. Posterity will accord to him the praise of having thrown 
himself into the breach, and turned back those who were pressing on to the overthrow 
of the very citadel of freedom. Nor will it ever be forgotten of him, that, in the 
midst of oppressors, he dared to claim, even for the enslaved, a right to sue for a re- 
dress of his grievances. 

William Goodell of Utica, New York, called the attention of 
the Convention to the state of free discussion now, and a year ago. 
Last year, the question before the Legislature of Massachusetts 
was, whether discussion on slavery should be tolerated at all, in 
any form in this Commonwealth, and whether abolitionists should 
not be gagged in obedience to the demands of the South. That 
question was partially decided against us. The demands of Gov- 
ernor McDuffie for a gag law, were seriously and even favorally 
entertained. A Committee of the Legislature reported against 
free discussion, and when some of us appeared before thera, to 
give reasons why the abolitionists should not be censured or gag- 
ged, we were almost driven from the Hall, and were not permitted 
to speak as freemen. What a glorious contrast to that picture, is 
presented in the acts of the same Legislature of Massachusetts, 
the last winter, acts that have sent a thrill of pleasure through the 
heart of every friend of freedom, and of alarm to the foes of lib- 
erty ! Sir, I have just come from the interior of New York, and 
[ know how this action of the Massachusetts Legislature is regard- 
ed there by the friends of emancipation. But let me remind the 
friends of abolition here, that the storm which has passed over 
them is lou-ering over others. The question, whether freedom of 
discussion shall prevail, is in suspense in New York. liet me then 
entreat the people of Massachusetts and New England, to stand by 
the Lecrislatures of Massachusetts and Vermont in their defence of 



24 

liberty, for whatever may be the prospects here of a right feeling 
prevailing, there is reason to fear that in the coming year, an on- 
slaught will be made on the liberties and rights of the North. If 
Massachusetts, Vermont and Rhode Island stand firm, they will 
rally others of the free States in defence of the rights of free dis- 
cussion, free petition and a free press, which we are now in danger 
of having wrested from us. 

This matter is not understood as it should be even by Abolition- 
ists, and much less by the citizens generally. The demands of 
Legislatures of the South, of Governor McDuffie and others, that 
the free States should pass gag laws, is still before our Legislatures. 
The message of the Governor of Massachusetts suggested an in- 
dictment at Common Law, as the means to put down Abolitionists 
here. Governor Marcy of New York, said in his message, that if 
the States could not pass such laws as were required by the South, 
they could not hold the confederation together. The reason he did 
not recommend to the Legislature of New York the passage of 
such laws against free discussion, was, that abolition was dying 
away. 

It has died away by increasing four-fold, and if that reason holds 
good, we must expect a recommendation in conformity to the de- 
mands of the South. This subject was reported on, in the New- 
York Legislature, by Mr. Mack. Resolves were presented, and 
but one member of the House of Representatives opposed them. 
They were published in the Argus, and copied into other papers, 
and when Abolitionists came to read the resolutions, they found 
them so indefinite, they seemed to be aiming at point no point. 
There was nothing in them taking away the right of free discus- 
sion. It seemed, therefore, that the demands of the South had not 
been met. 

But mark the management of this business, which is without a 
parallel in legislation. Although the Resolutions were published, 
the Report of the Committee on which they were founded was 
not published, and to this day has not been published. It was not 
until lately that the Abolitionists learnt that the Report held a dif- 
ferent language from the Resolutions. And where did this fact 
come from? From Virginia. The Governor of Virginia, in his 
message to the Legislature of that State, congratulated them that 
the Legislatures of New York and I\Liine had pledged themselves 
to pass gag laws whenever called for. This pledge, it was under- 
stooil was in the Report to the New York Legislature. The Report 



25 

was searched for, and could not be found. It was ascertained that 
only a few copies had been jirinled for the use of the members, and 
had been sent to the Legislatures of South Carolina and Virginia. 
The Report was at last found, and it was then seen that it did 
contain a pledge to pass gag laws in compliance with the demands 
of the South, whenever circumstances should require it. Here we 
see a disposition in the Legislature of New York, connected with 
the powers that be in the nation, to suppress free discussion. 

This is the view of the case, in connexion with tlie ruling po« 
litical party. How stands the party in opposition, on this question ? 
Is there any thing better to hope from them? Not at all. In a 
large meeting in the city of New York, last April, of the party 
called Whigs, a report was made by a Committee who had been 
sent to Washington, in which they pledge that party to aid the 
South in putting down abolition. The language of that report is 
as follows : 

' Appeal to our brethren of the South for then- generous co-operation, and promise 
that those who believe tliat the possession of properly is an evidence of merit, will be 
the last to interfere with the rights of property of any kind — discourage every effort 
to awaken an excitement, the bare idea of which should make every father and hus- 
band shudder, &c.' 

Here we have a plain intimation, that if the South will join the 
Whigs in putting down the Administration, the Abolitionists of 
the North shall be offered up, as a sacrifice on the altar of party 
spirit. So much for one party. Now for the other. We have 
seen what the Legislature of New York did, in their legislative 
capacity. The progress of despotism is so rapid, that even Rail 
Roads cannot keep pace with it. I have just come from New 
York, by Rail Road, and since I have been here, a new item of 
intelligence has reached me. I quote from the address of the Re- 
publican members of the Legislature of New York, in their polit- 
ical capacity, in which they hold this language : 

' There is no subject on which Andrew Jackson, in his farewell address, dwells 
wilh such anxious solicitude as that of the perpetuity of the Union. A most propi- 
tious omen for the accomplishment of this great object, is the wholesome condition of 
public o|)inion at the north, especially among repulilicans, on the subject of the cru- 
sade of abolitionism. The abolitionist is now properly appreciated; he is justly re- 
ganied as a machinator of evil, wliose preachings are most mischievous in their in- 
fluence, and whose motives are wicked, or whose reason has been shaken by the n)ad- 
ness of fanaticism. The republicans of the north regard their republican fellow 
citizens of the south, as belonging to the same political family. They are all embarked 
in the same holy cause. In regard to the great questions of political liberty, their in- 
terests are one an<l undivided. The memory of past dangers, our splendid achieve- 
mcHts, our future prospects, all conspire to teach us the necessity of union, and the 
importance of sacrificing local prejudices upon the altar of public good. And when 
it is recollected that every hope of American liberty depends upon the preservation of 
the Union of these Stales, we should scrupulously avoid every thing calculated to en- 
danger it.' 

4 



26 

We thus have abundant evidence from both political parties, that 
the plan of enslaving the free people of the North will not be given 
up : that it will be carried on by the powers that be in New- York, 
and that, though disagreeing in every thing else, there will be a 
perfect concert and co-operation in this matter, on the part of the 
opposition. This is an important fact. It shows that now is the 
time to raise high the standard of free discussion. In Massachu- 
setts, we may hope that this right will be maintained. The crisis 
is passed, but the cloud that so lately hung over the Wachusett, is 
still lowering over the Mohawk. The friends of free discussion 
and the rights of man, must rally to avert it. It must be done by 
the force of truth ; and let truth be disseminated, by sending forth 
agents to encourage the hearts and strengthen the hands of aboli- 
tionists, throughout the land. 

H. B. Stanton. I cannot permit these resolutions to pass, with- 
out a few remarks. I am almost afraid to adopt resolutions con- 
gratulating ourselves upon what we have done, lest it should lull us 
into a fatal security. Onward, ever onward, should be our motto ; 
and past victories should stimulate to new conquests. I rejoice at 
the noble stand taken by the Legislature of this State, last winter. 
I rejoice, because it was a star of hope, shining through the general 
gloom. 

' Nobly that voice went forth ! Tbe boni^man, fighing 

By Santee's wave, in Mississippi's cane. 
Then felt the hope, within his b«>soni dying. 
Revive again. 

Startling and stem ! the noriliern winds swift bore it 

Over Potomac's to St. Mary's wave; 
.\nj buried Freedom, starting, woke, to hear it 
Within her grave.' 

The sluggish New-York Observer said, that IG men, (alluding to 
the gentlemen who voted against the resolves,) could not have been 
found in the whole state of Massachusetts, five years ago, who 
would have voted against such resolutions ; and that the decline of 
liberty, thus indicated, was owing to the ill-ad\i5ed measures of the 
abolitionists. Marvellous discovery ! Most sprightly and potent 
conclusion! What are the ill-advised measures they allude to? 
Hurling brick-bats at our heads to make us more charitable, or 
forcibly breaking up our quiet assemblies, to learn us to use soft 
language ? We have been charged with all the riots and lynch- 
ings, all the pro-slavery ecclesiastical Jesuitism, and all the liberty- 
hating legislation, in the country : our opponents seeming to for- 
get that slavery is the foundation ol the difficulty ; for if there 



were no sla\eiy, there would be no abolitionism. I wonder if the 
heartless and wicked course of the Observer on this subject, is 
owing to the ill-advised measures of the abolitionists! 

When the passage of the resolutions in question, was claimed as 
a triumph by the friends of equal rights, it was gravely said, they 
were only the expression of the ancient opinions of Massachusetts 
— the same as those uttered in the Missouri contest. Well, sir, it 
is sometimes a triumph to induce men to utter ancient opinions. 
Many of the States of this Union dare not now utter the opinions 
they did in the Missouri contest. Since that event, the sun of 
liberty has fearfully declined. It would indeed be a triumph, if it 
would now blaze in its meridian splendor as it did then. In that 
great contest, the tide set strongly in favor of freedom. It was 
easy to float down with it. Now, the friends of impartial liberty 
must stem the popular current. The influence of slavery has neu- 
tralized and changed northern opinions, since the Missouri ques- 
tion ; and to utter opinions now, which were common then, re- 
quires energy and moral courage. Last winter, the bark of free- 
dom went to sea in the face of the storm. Then, when the hori- 
zon was dark, and the ship was tempest-tossed, was the test of fidel- 
ity and courage. The pilot whom you then found at the helm — 
the men whom you then found on deck to carry the vessel through, 
were the true friends of its safety. Massachusetts furnished the 
crev.'. A •' prudent' soldier will boast of his prowess, when reclin- 
ing on his full knapsack, remote from danger ; but it is the battle 
that tries his courage. Massachusetts rushed into the * imminent 
deadly breach,' in a trying hour. Tell me not, with a sneer, that 
they are only her ancient opinions. Granted : her ancient opin- 
ions are the brightest jewels in the diadem of her fame. Let this 
nation act upon its ancient opinions, and slavery is buried in a dis- 
honored grave. The entire anti-slavery conflict has been a strug- 
gle for the re-establishment of ancient opinions. It is modern 
opinions that we abhor and dread. Evermore may Massachusetts 
abide by her ancient opinions. 

The stand taken by our Legislature effected two grand objects. 

1. It changed public sentiment here. By enabling us to show 
to the most sceptical and perverse, that we had accomplished some- 
thing, it shut the mouth of short-sighted cavil — set the people to 
thinking and inquiring why it was, that the Legislature should pass 
resolutions just like those, for the advocacy of which, abolitionists 
had been mobbed. And, sir, inquiry is all we ask. And, what is 



28 

far more, it gave our cause an air of respectability, in the eyes of 
' gentlemen of property and standing,' in church and state. The 
lawyer in his office, the merchant at his counter, the editor through 
his press, and the minister in his pulpit, could now speak a word 
in our favor, or, at least, stand out of our way. And all the fence 
men beaan eao-erly to inquire on which side they should leap 
and the jobbers in popularity were busy m canvassing the price ot 
abolition stocks. In a word, men began to regard us as not so 
bad as we might be — certainly, not past cure. 

On account of the unpopularity of our cause, thousands of ob- 
stacles cluster in the path of success. A tide of popular favor 
would wash away all this rubbish. The action of our Legislature 
was a large rill. I would not seek to win men by appealing to 
such principles. God forbid. But, the prospect of success is the 
only argument that a certain class is capable of appreciating. The 
action of our Legislature made popularity tide-waiters open their 
eyes and shut their mouths. I pray they may never shut the for- 
mer ; and if they ever open the latter, God grant it may be to 
speak for the tongueless slave. (' Amen ! ') 

2. It produced a deep impression in other States. It has great- 
ly encouraged our friends in these States, where they struggle 
against fearful and ferocious odds. New-York heard it. and 
trembled. New-Hampshire heard it, and her decent citizens were 
ashamed of the heathenish and despotic action of her Legislature. 
Vermont heard it, and felt cheered to maintain the high position 
she had assumed. Old Pennsylvania heard it, and felt the si)irit 
of her ancient freedom move again. Every abolitionist in the land 
felt nerved up to do and dare more than ever, when he heard of 
our triumph here. Our brother Goodell says, it cheered tliem in 
his State, and was to them the bright bow of promise and hope. 
To God be all the glory. 

The South heard it, and stood appalled. The Richmond En- 
quirer, the organ of the slaveholding aristocracy of Virginia, speak- 
ing of the conduct of our Legislature, said — ' Massachusetts is 
shooting madly from her sphere.' No, sir, she was gloriously re- 
volving on her axis, as the centre of a new system — a system of 
freedom in practice, as well as theory, to all men. 

Sir, let this Commonwealth stand firmly erect on her principles, 
in this crisis, and even Virginia herself must come and stand be- 
side her, as she did in the revolution. 1 will not yet believe that 
God has given up the South to ruin. They will not, they cannot 



29 

always consentto see their noble soil stained with slavery. May 
God graciously dispel their delusions. 

The passage of tlie resolutions in our Legislature was too late 
to have any effect upon Congress, but tliey had an effect in refer- 
ence to the course of John Quincy Adams, on tlie floor of the 
House of Representatives, concerning slavery and the right of pe- 
tition. Tlie course of that gentleman had been singular, bold, and 
unprecedented. He stood as the acknowledged champion of the 
right of petition. And, in the desperate struggle of the 5lh of Feb- 
ruary, he stood alone — almost entirely deserted ; and with his single 
arm, smote down the hosts that rushed on to his destruction. On 
that occasion, when all the elements of despotism were stirred up 
on the floor of that combustible assembly, Mr. Adams alone vindi- 
cated the right of the pining slave to beg for mercy. In a letter to 
a friend, he anxiously expressed his doubts, whether the people of 
this Commonwealth would sustain his course. It was to him a 
trying hour. He had passed through the fiery ordeal on the floor 
of Congress, unscathed : another ordeal now awaited him at home. 
At that moment, when all was doubt and anxiety, the resolutions 
of our Legislature, approving the course of her Representatives, 
were passed nearly unanimously, and he was sustained. I know 
the history of those resolutions, and here declare, that the resolu- 
tion, approving the course of the JMassachusetts delegation in Con- 
gress, was designed mainly to shield the conduct of Mr. Adams ; 
and but for the storm which was beating upon his head, that reso- 
lution would not have been reported by the Committee. 

And, sir, whether we regard the effect of those resolutions upon 
the cause of freedom at home, or in other States, or upon Congress, 
it is alike cheering. They sent the blood with fresh impulse 
through the veins of the friends of outraged humanity. 

' Tlie voice went forth ! The millions who were gazing 

Sadly upon iis from afar, conlil smile, 
y\nd, unto God devout thanksgiving raising, 
Bless us the while.' 

But, sir, I tremble as I turn to contemplate the other side of this 
picture. There may be a re-action. Sir, if the Legislature of 
Massachusetts should recede from the high ground she now occu- 
pies, it will be the death-struggle of freedom. Truly is it said, 
there is a tide in the affairs of men, which, taken at its flood, leads 
on to fortune ; but, the ebb of that tide leads on to ruin. If Mas- 
sachusetts goes back, liberty must go back with her. I should re- 
gard it as an indication that, so corrupt is man, free institu- 



30 

tions cannot exist and prosper under the most favorable circum- 
stances, and with the most favored people. A moral and political 
cholera has seized the vitals of this nation, and it now tosses with 
fearful spasms. 1'he action of your Legislature was a favorable 
symptom, and gave token of returning health. But, let her recede, 
and the fatal collapse is upon the body politic, and the last hope in 
my bosom would be extinguished. 

Let me glance at the sources of danger. It should be remem- 
bered, that the step taken by your Legislature was a very bold 
one. In the attitude she assumed, the State stood alone. She now 
stands unsupported by any of her sister States. Vermont alone, 
gives her any encouragement. And let me assure you, that the 
expression of opinion obtained from your Legislature, was not the 
result of a feeble effort — a gift for the mere asking. It was the 
result of long continued, steady, and untiring effort among the peo- 
ple, the sources of power and influence, who control the action of 
their representatives. It was far back among the rugged hills of 
the interior, that the train was laid, which produced the report, so 
startling to the enemies of freedom. The yeomanry of the State 
spoke in the ear of their servants, commanding them to do this 
work. They obeyed — for they dared not refuse. It was the 
tide of public sentiment, bursting forth from the thousand hills of 
Worcester, Hampshire, Middlesex, Essex, and from the rough 
coasts of old Plymouth and Bristol, which carried the Legislature 
onward and upward, to this bold and lofty action. The represen- 
tatives knew the demands of the petitioners were reasonable, and 
they feared they should be pushed from their seats as unworthy, if 
they refused to echo the long-cherished opinions of this ancient 
Commonwealth on slavery, when the people asked it. And, sir, 
the tone of liberty was high on the uoor of the Legislature. The 
resolutions were passed under an intelligent and generous excite- 
ment — produced, no doubt, in some degree, by arguments which 
had been addressed to tlie committee of that body by the petitioners, 
and by able documents which had been liberally circulated among 
them. Having, one year ago, suffered us to be grossly injured on 
the same floor, the Legislature now seemed desirous to atone for 
the outrage, by granting us all that we could reasonably ask. 

The day of the celebrated discussion in the Senate, I returned 
from the Quarterly Meeting of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery So- 
ciety at Lynn, where we had had high-toned speeches. On repair- 
ing to the Senate Chamber, I found them just entering upon the 



31 

slavery question ; and, sir, so orthodox were the sentiments uttered 
by the honorable Senators — so strong and hearty tlieir denuncia- 
tions of slavery, that, had it not been for the superior eloquence 
vvitli which they clotlied tlieir thoughts, I should have supposed 
myself in the midst of an adjourned meeting of the Massachusetts 
Anti-Slavery Society, and could hardly have refrained myself from 
addressing the Chair. 

Sir, there is cause for alarm. It has been more than whimpered 
to the Legislature, that they have got ahead of the people, and that 
in November next they will find it so, to their cost. Nothing is so 
alarming to politicians as this. They always follow, never lead the 
people. Citizens of Massachusetts ! See to it that your worthy 
representatives are not driven back by the reflux wave of public 
sentiment. I beseech you, rally to the support of your Legislature. 
You are bound by your love of liberty and your hatred of oppres- 
sion — by the claims of outraged humanity, and by the bright hopes 
you have inspired in your brethren abroad, to stand in solid pha- 
lanx around the standard, erected at your bidding by the Legisla- 
ture of Massachusetts. Let the banner, which now waves so 
proudly, never be struck — but rather lift it higher and yet higher — 
throw out more of its folds to the breeze — let not a star or a stripe 
be erased — cherish it as the last hope of the citadel of freedom. 
Our friends abroad look to Massachusetts as the pioneer in this 
cause. Tiiey say to you, stand boldly erect on your ancient opin- 
ions — sustain your Legislature — rally around John Quincy Adams 
— roll in a flood of petitions to Congress, at its next session — re- 
sist, with all your energy, the annexation of Texas to the Union — 
strike for man, for God and your charter, strike ! Sir, many an 
anxious eye, which looks despondingly upon the prospect before us, 
is turned to this State. If driven from every outpost, they hope 
here to find a refuge in the citadel of freedom. Dash not their 
hopes. 

Abolitionists of Massachusetts ! I repeat it ; there is danger of 
a reaction. This city and State are closely wedded to the South, 
in trade and commerce. Northern factors and tradesmen imagine 
that it is for their pecuniary interest to resist you. Be not beguil- 
ed by them. Gold is their God, and their ledger is their Bible. 
To them, the circumference of a bank note is the boundary of tiie 
Universe. Of course, they have no sympathy with self-denying 
philanthropists. 



32 

Politicians, too, will throw odium upon the proceedings of the 
last Legislature, to subserve base party purposes ; and all the en- 
ginery of partizan warfare will be enlisted to cover your victorious 
forces with defeat. The influence of the General Government, 
with all its ponderous machinery, may be brought to bear on 
this point. Others will seek to win you over to their ranks, that 
you may aid in figliting their battles. Shun all collusion with ei- 
ther of the political parties of the day, as you would the embraces 
of an Anaconda. Then, you need not fear them, but will be their 
dread. If you are entangled in their snaky folds, you will be 
crushed. Our political motto should be, ' Reform all parties — 
contract alliances with none.' Distrust political leaders — place no 
confidence in great names. Look not to your Websters, your 
Everetts, and your Mortons for aid, but, under God, look to the 
democracy, in Church and State. Listen not to the timid, nor to 
the wily advocates of a scheming expediency ; but rely upon the 
omnipotence of your principles, to carry you over every obstacle. 
Before you yield one inch, let old Massachusetts rock from end to 
end, with a moral earthquake. Call meetings of the people from town 
to town, and crowd around them the startling exigencies of the crisis. 
Let anti-Texas meetings be immediately convened, from Berkshire 
to Barnstable, and the tocsin of alarm sounded. Press the minis- 
try up to duty, and let praying men and women bend the knee in 
supplication to God, that he would spare our guilty nation. Scat- 
ter anti-slavery publications broad-cast over the Commonwealth. 
Don't rely upon hired agents to do this work. Let every friend of 
the slave become an agent, during this, the crisis year. 1 beseech 
you, dread nothing so much as apathy. Rather let your State be 
tempest-tossed with agitation. Last year, 7000 men petitioned the 
Legislature. Let 50,000 lay their names on its tables, at the next 
session; and then, your representatives, instead of receding from 
the enviable position tliey now occupy, will, cheered onward by the 
popular voice, take still higher ground ; and, by their noble re- 
solves, cause the robbers of God's poor, and the foes of our free 
institutions, to tremble, while the abettors of Lynch law, and the 
truckling panderers to a corrupt hierarchy, shall quake with fear. 
Sir, Massachusetts expects every man to do his duty. 

The resolutions were unanimously adopted. 

THE I'KKSIDENT's INAUGURAL AODUE.SS. 

The following resolutions were offered and di.scussed : 

llesolvedj That the pledge •/i\<:n by iht; Pieaidenl of the United Stait.-^, toxcio any 
bill passed by Congress, wiilioiit tlio consent of the slavelioiding SiattS; for the aboli- 



33 

tion of slavery in tlie District of Columbin, is worlliy the condeiiinaliou of our fel- 
low (■iiizciis of the free States, not only because it upholds an inhuman system, but 
because it in eflect ilenies the great princijjie of eipial and republican government, 
tiiat wlien the majority adopt a mnasurc, in accordance willi the forms of the consti- 
tution, wiiicli is to ' Cctablish justice,' and ' socine liie blessings of liberty,' it ought 
lo gf)vcrii. 

Uesolved, That, as abolitionists, we are constrained to meet this avowal of his dc 
teimiuatiun, witli one exiually decisive on our part, to do all in our power lo give him 
an opportunity of redeeming his most extraordinary pledge. 

Iles^ilved, Tliat inasmuch as the present Chief Magistrate of the United States is 
n professed advocate of the rights of man — and, as such, in the New York Con- 
vention in 1S20, exerted himself to secure to the colored man, e(|ualiy witli the wliitCj 
the privilege of the elective franchise — and in the New York Legislature, gave his 
vole and liis influence in favor of the resolutions of that body against the admission of 
ulissomi as a slave Stale, — we regard his present attitude as a new evidence of the 
overwhelming intiucnce of southern slavery; and an additional incentive to increased 
nnd unieuiitteLl exertions for its entire overthrow. 

Nathaniel Colver of Washington County, New-York, sup- 
ported the resolutions. When I read the Inaugural Address of the 
President, said he, I was more of an abolitionist than ever. I 
know that the President is not a man who rushes forward without 
reflection, but he goes deliberately and prudently. This makes me 
understand the importance of the declaration made in his Inaugu- 
ral .Address, respecting slavery in the District of Columbia. It 
indicates to me that there has been a very extensive understanding 
with political men, North and South, in regard to this question. It 
sho\ s the power of slavery over the political men of the country; 
and I confess, sir, that I have no confidence in cither of the po- 
litical parties that divide the nation. Their leaders are political 
auctioneers, who have put the abolitionists under the hannner, and 
are struggling to see which will shall get the highest bid for us 
from the South. Either would sell us to the South for their votes. 
Now when the President tells us in a land of freemen, that he will 
not sanction any law of Congress to abolish slavery in the District 
of Columbia, I think he has not taken that bold stand without 
counting on his host. He is a sagacious, shrewd politician, and 
there is something fearful in the aspect of this measure. It looks 
like haviiig the sanction of the Republican party, which is one 
Himily, and will go together generally in support of the South, in 
order to support each other. 

And how is it with the other party? Do they promise any thing 
better? Wiiatdothe merchants of New-York, the leading Whigs, 
say? They are struggling to get ahead of Mr. Van Burcn, in or- 
der to sell the Abolitionists to the South first. If the Whig party, 
as such, had not been indiffeient to our rights, and ready to dispose 
of us at the best bargain they can make with the South for the 
5 



;94 

Presidency, the attack upon abolitionists, contained in the re- 
port at the meeting in New- York, would not have been made. 

But none of these things should move us. God will yet open a 
way for the deliverance of the oppressed, but men must use the 
means. We must go to work. There is still life in the body pol- 
itic, though it seems struck almost insensible by the paralysis of 
slavery. We must rub it, and restore animation. The church of 
God feels the effects of this moral and political paralysis of the 
nation, and that too slumbers over the sin of slavery. Where are 
the great body of Christians at the North? They are not for wak- 
ing up ; they too are on the other side. 

Sir, this state of things cannot last. The church cannot much 
longer slumber over this great sin. The devil sometimes gets too 
bad, and the people rise and throw him off. It was so in the Tem- 
perance cause. The devil used to be popular in opposing that 
cause, and he kept the people down, the slaves to intemperance. 
But he carried it too far, and one day his cloak fell off, and he 
showed his cloven foot ! The church had to turn him out ; he be- 
came unpopular, and the people got him down. The cause of 
Temperance is triumphant in the church. It will one day be so 
with the cause of abolition. The devil is carrying slavery too far, 
and he will by and by become unpopular, as he did in his opposi- 
tion to temperance. 

But the abolitionists must go forth against the giant of slavery, 
with the smooth stones of truth, and strike him to the earth. Go- 
liah was the terror of the men of Israel, and no man dare approach 
him, until David got his head off, and then they all ran up to the 
dead body which they had run away froin when alive. We have 
got to get the head off, before the people will come to our aid. 
Then there will be anti-slavery men enough. The brunt of the 
battle must fall on us, and it must be a few who will stand firm and 
take the risk of encountering the giant. 

But, sir, the abolitionists will contend only with the weapons of 
truth, and the sword of the Spirit. I know that they are not the 
men who wish to do any injury, or to make any trouble. They would 
heal and not wound, but they must find where the sore places are, 
and apply the remedy. The church sa)s, don't touch us. Why 
not, if thero is a sore place which must be healed ? The physician 
handles the body, and he finds a sore place. Don't touch me there, 
says the paticnl, it hurts ! Thai is the very spot he wants, and 
when he finds it, he can tell how to apply the remedy. We too 



35 

must Iiandle tlic sore sjiots in the Cliurcli, if ue would cure them, 
and vvc must touch its ministers. \Vc must do it gently, but per- 
severingly, that the public may have no time to lose sight of the sin 
of slavery. It must be kept before the country, but in the Christ- 
ian spirit of forbearance. Abolitionists are the last people in the 
world to get angry. They know how to sufier wrong, but will do 
none; but they must !iot be afraid of waking people up, if they do 
make a little noise.. Don't we know that children always cry the 
worst when they first wake up ? We must not be afraid to wake up 
the ministers. I know that your ministers, especially here in Bos- 
ton, have got too much popularity, and they are afraid to lose it. 
A little is good, but when a minister gets too much, it is a clog to 
the truth. It costs him so much labor to take care of his popular- 
ity, he has but little lime to attend to the truth. When you hear 
your minister pray respecting all sbrts of oppression and misery 
even to the uttermost parts of the earth, and not say a word for the 
poor slave at home, who is denied the use of the Bible, you mny 
be sure that he is thinking of his popularity, and forgets tlie slave. 
Don't be afraid to wake him up, and call upon him to pray for the 
slave at home, as \yell as for the heathen abroad. 

Where is sorrow like unto this sorrow 1 Where is oppression like 
unto the oppression of the slave, in this land of gospel light and 
political freedom? The poor slave is trampled under foot, and de- 
nied even the right of complaining ; and when I reflect that the 
last hope of the distressed, the right to ask for mercy, is denied 
them, my heart sinks within me, and I feel as if I w-ould lie down 
by the oppressed and share their fate. They have feelings to suf- 
fer, and souls to save ; and when I reflect on the coldness of my life 
heretofore toward them, and the prejudice I find it almost impos- 
sible to root out of my own soul, I feel ashamed that I could so 
long be unmindful of my duty, and I can look with the eye of 
charity on those who still remain insensible to their duty. Slavery 
has stained the whole Christian world with guilt. But this consid- 
eration will come more appropriately under other resolutions relat- 
ing to the duties of Christian churches. 

Tiie resolutions under consideration, appeal directly to the du- 
ties of Christians, as well as citizens, in bringing a moral power to 
bear against the declarations in favor of slavery in high places. It 
calls for renewed zeal in the cause of the oppressed. I know, sir, 
that the South are sensitive on the subject of petitions for the abo- 
lition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and well they may be. 



36 

God is against them, and the world will be against them. There 
is no attribute of Deity, which can take part with the slaveholder. 
Jefferson saw this. Governor McDuffie feels the unive:sal con- 
demnation of slavery. He says that Mexico, Enj^land, and the 
civilized world, are building up a wall around the slave states. This 
wall will not protect them, but will make it still more difficult to 
hold their slaves. Let us make that wall strong ; let every man 
who comes, carry a hod of brick or mortar, and help build that 
wall. 

The resolutions passed. 



SECOND DAY'S PROCEEDINGS. 

Wednksday MuRNiNci, May 31, I8li7. 
Prayer l)y David Root. 

The follouiug resolutions were presented by the Business Com- 
mittee : 

IKl.MESTIC SLAVE TRADE. 

Uc;ul\f;.l, Til, It llie Congross of tlic I'liilLnl Stale?, in dpclariiij; tlio trafllc i'l men 
on the co;ist "!' Allien, and on tlm high si'as, riUACY, has i^erinriiu^d an act dic- 
tated by thu- |)iinei|des of repiililicanism and l)y luiinanity, and worthy of the repre- 
sentatives of a l:'oe and Christian nation. 

Resolved, That as the snine article of our (Constitution which gives to Congress 
power to abolish the foreign slave trade, also gives to that body power to siiiiprcss the 
ralhc in men between the several States, — theref<n-e, that l)y licensing it in the Dis- 
trict of Colii:nl)ia, and by perniitling it in the Territories and between the several 
.Stales, (.'opigrcss li.is sanctioned a system disgraceful to our eharartcr as freemen and 
Christians, wiiicli exposes us to the contempt and derision of slave traders and kid- 
nappers on the coast of Africa, and which, themselves being judges, brands our 
professions of horror at ;he foreign slave trade, of love to liberty, and a jealous regard 
for the rights of man, with glaring inconsistency an I sliainelessliypocri.-y. 'I'lierelore, 

Resolved, That it is the duty of Congress, atits next sessi^m, to abolish ininicdiate- 
ly and totally, this traflic in the District of Columbia, in the Territories, and lietvyeen 
the several States; and that it is the duty of the people, and of our .Stale Legisla- 
tures, 1 )U lly to remonstrate with that body against the longer continuance of this ne- 
farious and piratical system. 

H. B'. Si'A.NTON snicl, that so long as Congress sanctioned the 
doiuestic slave trade, we were justly exposed to the derision of 
those who were called pirates by the law of this same Congress, 
and hung up at the yard-arm for doing on the high seas, just what 
soino members of Congress did themselves in the District of Co- 
lumbia. We were a!.so exposed to their derision, for hanging tiiein 
for stea'ing the slaves, and then sutTering the slave captured from 
them to be sold liy Government to pay expenses. These wer 
some of the beautiful consistencies of slavery in this country. 

H. C. Wricut said, that if the members of Congress were to 
do on the high seas, what is daily done in the District of Columbia 
and elsewhere, on land, by the traffic in slaves, they woidd, under 
their own laws, be hung on a gallows as high as Ilaman's. 

H. B. Stanton stated, as an illustration of the absurd incon- 
-sistency in the moral perceptions of men between the foreign and 
domestic slave trade, that not long ago he saw a slaveholder, who had 
been a slave dealer, stand upon the platform in a public meeting, 
and denounce the horrid slave trade ; but he only meant when it 
was carried on abroad, not at home. 



e 



33 

J. G. BiRNEV said, that by the laws of Maryland and Virginia, 
slaves could not be brought from other States into those States, for 
purposes of sale. This prevented the slave dealer from establish- 
ing a depot for the slave traffic, by introducing for sale slaves from 
other States. In this way, those States have prevented tlie estab- 
lishment of great slave factories in their midst. But in the District 
of Columbia there was no such restriction, and hence it was one 
of the greatest marts for slave traders in the country. They sell 
the slaves to members of Congress, who want to stock their plan- 
tations, as it is called, and who, in coming to Washington, have a 
double purpose, legislation for the nation, and the purchase of 
slaves for their own supply. This makes Washington a great slave 
mart, during the sessions of Congress. The States which are 
slave raising. States, wish to sell their slaves to the slave buyer. 
Hence it is their policy to prevent the introduction of slaves for 
sale, from other States, which would interfere with their own mar- 
ket. This is their tariff, to protect domestic industry in the raising 
of slaves! Now if the slave States have the power to prevent the 
introduction of slaves for sale in tliosc States, it certainly follows 
that Congress has the same power in the District of Columbia ; 
and yet they refuse even to make this restriction to the domestic 
traffic in slaves there. There is no law in Louisiana, which 
prevents the introduction of slaves, but the law in Maryland, pro- 
hibits the introduction of slaves, for sale, which have once been 
exported out of tlie State. The eflfect of this was exemplified in a 
case that occurred in connexion with the domestic slave trade. A 
slave dealer in Baltimore shipped a human cargo to New Orleans, 
and their landing was refused there for some reason or other. Tlie 
slaves were taken back to Baltimore, but the law prohibited their 
landing there, after they had been taken out of the State. In this 
condition they remained on board the slave vessel, when I last 
heard from them. These Resolutions, therefore, were strongly 
called for, by the fact that the slave trade, carried on under the 
sanction of Congress, was worse than the slave trade in any slave 
State in the Union. 

The Resolutions passed unanimously. 

PLEDGES TO SUSTAIN THE CAUSE. 

At 10 o'clock, agreeably to a vote adopted yesterday, the Con- 
vention proceeded to consider the subject of funds. 

II. B. StaxNton wished to say a few words concerning the 



39 

luouey question. It has been remarked, that ' inoncy is the sin- 
ews of war.' Anfl, Sir, although pur warfare is not carnal, yet, 
as in the all-wise Providence of God, human instrumentalities are 
necessary to effect moral reforms, money is the sinews of Aboli- 
tionism. [ wish tliat inonied men would acknowledge and act 
upon the priiicii)le, that it is required of a man according to what 
he hath. He that has talents, let him give them to this cause, 
lie that has influence, let him consecrate it to the work of eman- 
cipation. He that has money, let him give it to the cause of the 
poor, that thus he may become the creditor of the Lord. I shall 
take it for granted, that I am talking to Abolitionists of the ultra 
stamp : — to such as do indeed remember those in bonds as bound 
with them ; who feel the iron in their own souls; who feel the 
gallings of the chain on their own heels ; who arc themselves 
crushed and bleeding, with bodies scarred, intellects bligiited, sym- 
pathies lacerated, spirits ruined. To such, I need not say, that 
your money is the property of this cause, and you are but the 
stewards of the slave. But, says one, what do you want money 
for? I answer, to employ agents to enlighten the public mind. 
They are the pioneers, to cut away the sturdy forests, and prepare 
the soil for the seed. The demand iox lecturers, during the last 
year, has been unceasing and loud. 'i'o satisfy the call, the 
American Anti-S! '.very Society deputed Theodore D. Weld, to 
visit gentlemen in all parts of the free States, to secure their ser- 
vices. He did so, during the last summer. He obtained fifty 
agents, who, with those previously in the field, made the number 
employed during parts of the last year, sixty. And even these, 
altliough they labored in season and out of season, lecturing pub- 
licly, and at great length, from to 12 times a week, were utterly 
inadequate to supply the demand. The visit of an agent to a 
town, only served to kindle up a desire in all the surrounding 
towns, that he should visit and address them. Were our Corres- 
ponding Secretary at New York, to answer all the applications for 
lectures which he receives, giving the reasons why he could not 
respond affirmatively to the call, he would be unable to do any 
thing else. And yet, notwithstanding tliis, several of these agents, 
who were obtained at so much trouble and expense, and wliose 
services arc so imperiously demanded, must resign, unless the 
friends of the cause step prom])tly forward, and contribute liber- 
ally to tlie funds. And, to all such as want lecturers to visit them, 
we say, give us money, and you shall iiave agents. There are 20 



40 

good men and Iruo, who now stand ready to accept commissions, 
if you will furnisli tlie treasury with the necessary aid. 

Again. The American Society wants money, that it may throw 
its i)ul)lications into every parlor and kitchen, every mechan- 
ic'-3 shop, and every lawyer's office, every counting room and col- 
lege, every legislative hall and every ecclesiastical assembly, every 
steam boat and stage coacli ; yea, before every man, woman and 
child, in the nation. Truth is mighty, and will prevail. Before 
its march, the throne of despotism shall totter to its fall. The 
principles of our cause are to awake the nation, now slumbering 
on tlie verge of ruin. Dut, the voice of Ihc living agent cannot 
rcacii the ears of ail. The press is the trumpet-tongue, which 
n)ust sound the alarm. Its tiuinder-notes must be sounded gra- 
tuitously. Our arguments, rebukes and appeals, are to convict 
the naiion of sin ; and men wiio love money, will not purchase a 
commo.lity, uhicli is to wring their hearts with bitter repentance. 
We must givn them tlie medicine, and we may think ourselvea 
abundantly remunerated, if they will even then consent to swallow 
it. A':d, Sir, there are hosts of physicians, all over the land, who 
will gl idly administer this panacea, and skilfully too, if you fur- 
nish us with the means to manuHicture it. The demand for pub- 
lications, for gratuitous distribution, is immense. Letters are 
I)ourcd in upon our Committee, begging for publications to circu- 
lito in regions wIutc Abolitionism has not yet taken root. And, 
in the present crisi.-, there are several documents which ought to 
be scattered over tlie land, with the liberality of the north-eas-t 
wind. Among them, are the publications of Benjamin Lundy on 
the .subject of Te.xas, the Letters of John Ciuincy Adams to his 
constituents, the Review of Leonard Bacon's letter, by Wm. Good- 
cll, the xAppeal of -'\ngelina E. Griinke, the testimony of Thome 
and Kimball, concerning Emancipation in the West Lidies, and 
above all, the prnlhund, elaborate, eloquent and unanswerable vin- 
dication of the Bible from the charge of sustaining slavery, by 
Theodore D. Wtld. A copy of that splendid article should be 
put into the hands of every minister and church officer in the 
Union. And this work should be done NOW! This is the crisis 
}ear. The public ear is now open. liCt us fill it with a tide of 
appeal. Soon it ma) be closed against us forever. 'J'lie public 
eye is now open. Lei the horrors of slavery flash upon it. The . 
public mind is now in an unsettled state. By skilful and prompt 
management, it may run in such channels as we please to mark 



41 

out for it. During the past year, tlie public heart has become 
mucl) softened. With God's aid, we can, by a mighty effort, give 
it such a stamp as we desire. Will we be recreant to the claims 
of perishing millions, that we may horde up our money, which 
shall eat us as doth a canker ? God forbid ! Great questions are 
to be settled this year. Texas, with her load of eternal slavery on 
her shoulders, is knocking at the door of the Union. Shall she en- 
ter .'' The right of petition is cloven down on the floor of Con- 
gress. Shall it have a resurrection? Shall John Quincy Adams 
be sustained in his defence of that right? Shall slavery, within 
the District of Columbia, longer overawe the National Legislature ; 
or, shall il die ? Petitions must be rolled into Congress, with un- 
precedented alacrity, and in startling numbers. And it will be 
done, if you will furnish the National Society with the means. 
They have already begun the work. From our office in New- 
Yorlc, we are sending circulars into all parts of the free States, 
asking for the names of men who will circulate Anti-Slavery me- 
morials. I paid 630 postage on these circulars, just before I left 
New York, — specie currency. (You see, Sir, it costs money to 
carry forward this work.) Weil, Sir ; when we obtain these names, 
we mean to forward blank memorials to them, of all sorts, accom- 
panied by a letter, urging them to procure the signature of every 
man in their respective towns ; and to forward the memorials to 
Congress. And, if Congress shall make an arbitrary and uncon- 
stitutional disposal of them, as it did last winter, we will, by our 
press in New York, strike off thousands of new memorials, pro- 
testing against this aggression upon our rights, and praying Con- 
gress to retrace their steps. And these blank memorials we will 
forward to the gentlemen in the several towns, to be by them cir- 
culated, and forwarded to that body. And, if these are disposed 
of in a like despotic manner, we will issue another edition, to meet 
the new case, and thunder in the ears of Congress the people's dis- 
approbation of tliis last act of unconstitutional power. And thus 
will we do, till corrupt rulers have learned, that the right of prayer 
is not to be trampled down with impunity. To do this, will re- 
quire money. Will you sustain us? Petitions too, must be pre- 
sented to all the Legislatures of the free States, praying them to 
instruct their Senators, and request their Representatives, to vote 
for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, against the 
annexation of Texas to the Union, — praying them to protest 
aaainst the arbitrary conduct of Congress, (as did the Massachu- 
6 



4-2 

setts Legislature,) — to give a trial by Jury to persons claimed as 
fugitive slaves, and to abolish all laws which make distinctions 
among men, on account of color. 

In this way, sir, we can shake every Legislature to its centre, 
with discussion. We, too, must petition our ecclesiastical bodies, 
of all denominations, asking them to pronounce slaveholding to be 
sinful, and purify the church from its foul stain. And, sir, the 
Executive Committee in New-York will, by the help of God, see 
that it is faithfully done, if you will furnish them with the means- 
They have already laid the foundation, by sending out several hun- 
dred circulars, to which I have alluded. Shall they cease to build, 
because you will not furnish the materials? We need money to 
print the last Annual Report of the Society. It is a very able doc- 
ument, and should be in the hands of every man in the country. 
Thousands of publications, of different kinds, adapted to the pres- 
ent crisis, are lying on our shelves, to accumulate the dust of our 
offices, because professed abolitionists will not give, on an average, 
six cents each, to enable us to send them where they are this mo- 
ment needed. There are 1100 Anti-Slavery Societies, embodying, 
probably, towards 100,000 members. Sir, if they would now give 
one dollar each, on an average, we could, by the blessing of Heav- 
en, during this year, carry away the corner-stone of slavery — (T 
mean the apologies of the north) — and then, with the three-fold 
cord of argument, and appeal, and prayer, twisted around its main 
pillar, we could, with a long pull, and a strong pull, and a pull alto- 
gether, bring this temple of groans, and blood, and abominations, 
tumbling to the dust. Will you help us to buy the cord ? The 
press, the lectures, the petitions, will do the work. Shall the 
American Society be sustained? VvMIl abolitionists falter? 1 trust 
not. How shall the money be raised ? Sir, our cities who used 
to pay liberally (I speak comparatively,) towards this cause, are 
ruined. By trading with the South, they have become bankrupt. 
Within the last three months, abolitionists have lost money suffi- 
cient, if it had been given to this cause one year ago, to have put 
a copy of our publications into each family in the free States, and 
to have sent an agent into every county, north of Mason and Dix- 
on's line. ' He that giveth to the poor, lendeth to the Lord ; ' (good 
security, sir !) but, he that giveth to speculation, that he may en- 
rich himself at the expense of God's treasury, lendeth to the whirl- 
wind. The events of the last three months have stamped this 
bitter truth deep among the convictions of many a worshipper of 



A3 

mammon. Well, sir, we cannot rely upon abolitionists in the cit- 
ies. The count ri/ must arouse. Those who gave one dollar last 
year, must give five now. Those who gave ten last year, must give 
fifty now. And so in proportion. Thousand-dollar subscriptions 
will be fewer in number this year, than the last. Our hopes are 
upon the five and ten dollar men. There are hundreds of profess- 
ed abolitionists, who have never yet given a dollar, or even a cent, 
to the cause. Can they justly claim the name of abolitionists? 
No, sir! Our friends must not wait for an agent to visit them, 
before they contribute. This would bankrupt us in a month. Let 
every friend of the poor and needy slave go home, and make per- 
sonal efforts to raise money. Let all, who profess sympathy for 
the bleeding victims of southern oppression, be visited, and asked 
to contribute. Let the money be forwarded immediately to R. G. 
Williams, 143 Nassau-street, New- York, and T pledge you, that the 
seed sown in weakness, shall be raised in power. Last year, Mas- 
sachusetts pledged §5000, and paid nearly §8000. Nobly done ! 
This year, she has pledged 610,000 to the American Society. She 
ought to, she can, raise 625,000. Some abolitionists manifest a 
great deal of sensitiveness, when we come to the money question. 
I confess that I feel none of it. Let us away with this penurious, 
anti-abolition feeling, and look this question in the face. Let us 
see to it, that we are not hypocritical in our professions of love to 
the slave. Faith without works is dead. Heaven grant, that the 
putrid corpse of a dead faith may not be found rn the household 
of abolitionism, to stifle the energies of the living. We pass strong 
resolutions, and make long speeches. Let us see to it, that we do 
not load witli blank cartridges. Charge with the solid metal. Dur- 
ing the past year, I have providentially had considerable to do with 
raising money ; and I say it with pain, that, as a general proposi- 
tion, to which there are but few though noble exceptions, those 
who are least able to give, contribute the most, and those who are 
best able to give, contribute the least. Abolitionists, whether rich 
or poor, must feel in their pockets, as well as in their heads and 
hearts. And, with my views of duty, I believe they should give, 
at the present crisis, mainly to this cause. Christianity is building 
a moral rail-road round the world. This rail-road has several sec- 
tions, such as the Bible Society section, the Missionary, the Tract, 
the Temperance, the Moral Reform, and the Anti-Slavery section. 
The great car of salvation can never roll round the world, till ev- 
ery section i& completed. The great mass of the church are build- 



44 

ing on other sections, to the neglect of that of Anti-Slavery. A 
feeble band are at work there. The perfect and speedy comple- 
tion of the entire road demands that they bestow their main ener- 
gies upon this branch. Heaven speed the day, when the entire 
route shall be completed ! Now, sir, we want $10,000 this month, 
to expend on this branch of the road. The public mind is settling 
down into hostility to us. Let us work while there is hope. Give 
the American Society the means, and they will flood Congress, our 
State Legislatures, and our ecclesiastical bodies, with petitions, the 
free states with lectures, and the entire nation with publications. 
Sir, let us empty our pockets, and become poor and needy our- 
selves, if necessary, and then we can enter into the apostolic in- 
junction, to remember them in bonds as bound with them. We 
must give our money to abolish, or it will take our blood. We 
have crossed the strait, and burnt our ships, and now, it is conquer 
or die. Money is the sinew of war. 1 close by repeating Dean 
Swift's celebrated charity sermon. ' TeicL " He that giveth to 
the poor, lendeth to the Lord." Introduction, elucidation, and up- 
plication. If you like the security, down with your dust ! ' 

A committee of seven was appointed to receive contributions and 
pledges ; and while they were performing that service, remarks 
were made by several gentlemen. 

William Goodell urged upon the Convention the importance 
of providing the means to disseminate truth touching slavery. If 
the cause of Anti-Slavery failed, it would fail for the want of 
money. There were facilities for diffusing Abolition, which could 
not be improved solely for want of the means. Agents were want- 
ed in every direction. Several had been discontinued for want of 
funds. In one day he had received thirty applications by letter for 
agents. The operations of this year might decide the fate of the 
nation. Let no man deceive himself with the belief, that there is 
no danger of a failure. There is danger, danger not so much 
from others as from ourselves ; the danger of indifference and 
want of zeal in the cause. Abolition he knew must come, but it 
might come in an earthquake that would shake the foundations of 
the land, and rock the nation to its centre. This, Abolitionists 
wished to avert. But, were Abolitionists snfc ? What might be 
their fate? He asked any man who could recall the crisis before 
the repeal of the edict of Nantz, when men were hunted as par- 
tridges on the mountains, and the host life-blood banished from tiie 
land J whether that event was as likely to have happened five years 



45 

before the catastrophe, as it is now that a similar event may take 
place in this country, of which Abolitionists will be the victims? 
Let them, then, be on the alert. 

H. C. Wright — Let the children of Abolitionists and others de- 
vote one cent a week to this cause, saved from their spending 
money, and immense good might be done by it. In one case, one 
hundred children had in this way raised $52 in a year. 

WiLLi.\M Llov» G.vRRisoN said it was new to him, to be called 
on, as he recently had been, not to lower the tone on the subject 
of Abolition, but to add to its strength. He was not the one to 
be backward in answering such a call. But God made use of 
means to accomplish all great moral objects, and the deliverance 
of the slave required the use of human means. We must not sup- 
pose that we had done our duty, by merely saying we are opposed 
to slavery. There were enough to say that, who were constantly 
upholding slavery with all their might. The Rev. Dr. Fisk was 
opposed to slavery, and so was Professor Stuart; but what did 
they do ! By their acts they support slavery, and therefore we say 
that they are not opposed to it. No man can be opposed to slave- 
ry practically, without calling down upon him the persecutions of 
the slaveholders. We must show the sincerity of our opposition, 
by using means to rid the land of this great evil. Abolition be- 
gan with small means, and for a long time it scarcely produced 
any impression. When the friends of Abolition came together in 
New York, in 1835, and Lewis Tappan proposed to raise $30,000 
to be used in employing agents and disseminating the truth, then 
it was that fear took hold on men for the sin of slavery. Then it 
was that the country was rocked and agitated in the convulsions 
that must always precede great moral revolutions. It was then 
that Lynch law started up to put down free discussion, and it has 
Tone on in its attempts to abridge the rights of the people, until 
Anti-Slavery has become identified with the right of petition and 
he principle of free discussion. The country is now rocked with 
he embarrassments and failures of men of business ; but, blessed 
be God, the system of slavery is rocking down with it. The gains 
of slavery, for which the South has seared her conscience and tlie 
North become a partner in iniquity, are fast passing away from the 
hands of those who have steeled their hearts lo every principle of 
humanity and justice, that they might grasp them. Sir, what did 
I witness in New York the other day ? Our great merchants, who 
had trampled down the poor Abolitionists, that they might enjoy 



46^ 

the trade of the South, wailing and gnashing their teeth in despair 
at the ruin which has come upon them by trusting the slavehold- 
er. All tlieir great expectations of immense profits come to an 
end ; their partnership with the South and West in the crime of 
slavery, rendered insolvent. Sir, I could but see in all this the 
finger of the Almighty. He has declared that the wicked shall 
not always prosper in their wickedness. Those who had formerly 
been so ready to mob the Abolitionists in New York, in order to 
get the trade of the South and West, were now groaning under the 
ruin brought upon them by that very trade. They had no time to 
mob us. Their own aflfuirs required all their attention. The 
countenances of the business men in the streets were full of anxi- 
ety and care ; but when I went into the Anti-Slavery Convention, 
all looked cheerful there, no distress, no anxiety. It was true, that 
our friend Arthur Tappan had fallen in the crash, but though it 
was deeply regretted, it produced no depression. We believed 
that God would raise him up again, or others in his stead ; and if 
not, we did not rely mainly on the rich, but on the widow's mite, 
— the small but constant and numerous rills that were flowing 
into the great fountain of benevolence. 

Mr. G. said he would take this occasion, in connexion with the 
subject of contributions in aid of the cause of emancipation, to al- 
lude to his colored brethren. Many of them had done well, but 
too many of them had given themselves up to despondency, or were 
criminally indifferent to their own improvement and elevation. 
They were thus putting strong arguments into the mouths 
of the supporters of southern slavery. He was surprised to 
learn how much money, which might go to aid the emancipation 
of the slave and the elevation of the colored race, was spent in 
this city alone, in worthless amusements. He had heard that the 
colored people of Boston paid at least 83000 a year to the Thea- 
tres, for the jtrivilege of being sent up aloft. He wished they 
Avould bring that money here. [Amen.] 

John Levi, (a colored gentleman,) of Lowell — was grieved to 
say that the colored population was doing so little to help the slave. 
What, said he, can we expect others will do for us, if we do noth- 
ing for ourselves, and one another? Some of us arc spending our 
money to pay the Theatres and other places, and what good does 
come of it? Where does the money go? The play actors drink 
it up in carousing, and do no good with it. Kxcuse me, I am 
plain. T want my colored brethren should feci this thing brought 



47 

home to them. Here is a white woman, a school teacher, giving 
half her living to free the poor slave ; and what are we doing, who 
would all be slaves, if them who oppose the Abolition cause could 
have their way, and get tlie upper hand. I have been four years 
talking with my free colored brethren, to convince them of their 
duty. Many do all they can, but some say let the whites go ahead. 
They don't want us to help them. This is the cry, and there is 
one thing to be considered. There is a prejudice among the 
whites respecting color. I am not an American born, but have 
lived here since IS 1 3. I am from the West Indies, and I know 
how slavery was when I left it there. I was then a boy. A year 
last February, I went back to the West Indies, to the Island of 
Nevis. I had not been there after 1813, twenty-three years. 
When I was a boy there, all kinds of vice was carried on among 
the colored people, particularly on Sunday. When I went back, 
the Island was under the apprentice system. I don't believe in 
the apprentice myself, but I could see a very great difference even 
with that. I went to the meeting-house, where I used to go, and 
I went half an hour before it begun, to see how the things looked. 
I could see the colored people coming all along the roads to 
Church, with their little, bundles, some of them coming seven 
miles, and then they would sit and hear the gospel preached, not 
in part but in whole. I should think there was 1400 persons in 
the meeting-house, all attending to the truth. Formerly when the 
people were slaves, Sabbath day was the day for them to have cock- 
fighting and racing and all manner of vices. When sitting at the 
window, and seeing all this change, my heart burst out — What hag 
God done for us ! What is he doing to raise up the poor degraded 
colored man ! See the effect of emancipation in part ! I can't tell 
you, my friends, how I felt. I wish 1 could express myself to be 
fully understood. 

When I hear ministers pray in America, and they pray for Bur- 
mah. for China, for the heathen every where, I can truly say my 
heart weeps ; but when I listen more, I hear no allusion to two 
and a half millions of my brethren, right here at home, who are 
denied the Bible. I feel all that goodness taken ofT from me. I 
feel astonished that Christian ministers should see such a great 
way ofT, all over the world, and be so b'ind to what is right before 
their eyes at home. How can they stop short, and not see the 
poor slave ? 

One word I want to say about prejudice. I have been in four 



48 

quarters of the globe, but I didn't know what prejudice was, till I 
came to America. Since that, I have seen prejudice excited con- 
siderably^ and that is what keeps my brethren down so much, and 
makes them think so little of themselves, and not try to do as they 
ought. But we are all, in the sight of God, of one color, and the 
spirit of His gospel will go on till all be subdued. 

F. R. Van Rensalaer, (a colored gentleman from New York,) 
said, he wished to make a remark in relation to what brother Gar- 
rison had said about the colored people. I love that brother dear- 
ly, and that is the reason I am faithful to him. . I see but few 
colored people here this morning, and those who are here, you 
may be sure are Abolitionists. They don't spend money at the 
Theatre. I want an opportunity to see the colored people of this 
city. I want to talk to them, to call them together, and see if they 
spend their money in idle amusements, while millions of their fel- 
low people are in slavery, and they do nothing to help them. I 
know very well how glad they are to get the money of the colored 
people at the Theatres and such places. I remember when a 
Theatre was erected in New York, some years ago, to be for the 
rich folks. The Italian Opera they called it. A notice was put 
up, ' No admission for negroes or dogs.' Now it is a National 
Theatre they call it, and on one side of the house are prepared for 
the colored people as fine seats as can be. I don't know the 
Theatre terms to describe it, the part that is appropriated for the 
colored people. But they have eligible seats and can go to the 
Theatre, but are excluded from the Church. The devil provides 
for them better than the ministers do, and that is one reason why 
so many support the Theatres. 

[The Reporter has given, in the foregoing, the precise language 
of the two colored speakers, Levi and Van Rensalaer. Mr. Stan- 
ton stated to the Convention, that Mr. Van Rensalaer was a libe- 
rated slave, and had contributed liberally to the cause. Many of 
the colored people had contributed very considerable amounts. At 
a contribution in one of the villages, after the wealthiest men had 
subscribed, a larger sum was given by a runaway slave, than by 
any other person.] 

William Lloyd Garrison, (alluding to Van Rensalaer) said — 
Yes, Sir, our brother there, a few years ago, was nothing but a piece 
of property. Now ' he gives the world the assurance of a man.' 
He did not mean to be invidious in any thing he had said respect- 
ing the colored population. He was only anxious to impress upon 



49 

those of ihem who had not properly reflected on the subject, the 
obstacle which their indilTorence threw in the way of Abolition. 
He did not forget what the colored people had done, as his earliest 
friends in the cause of emancipation. When he began the Lib- 
erator, he had no means of getting out such a paper, and there 
was little disposition to aid him. He and his partner, Mr. Knapp, 
contrived at first to get out a little 7 by 9, by working as journey- 
men on other work in a printing office, and taking their pay in the 
printing of their little paper. And where did the first aid they 
had come from ? From the colored people of Boston. They were 
not consulted whether they would like to have such a paper or not, 
and were not asked to subscribe, but they came forward volunta- 
rily. The first year the Liberator was supported by the colored 
people, and had not fifty white subscribers. The next year, a 
colored man in Philadelphia, one of nature's noblemen, sent $50 
and a number of subscribers. He mentioned this fact to show 
that a portion of the colored people had nobly done their duty in 
the cause of emancipation. 

The following is a statement of the money and pledges received 
in course of the debate : 

CASH COLLECTED. 

To defray expenses of the Convention, about - $250,00 

For the Massachusetts Society, v _ . - 338,00 

For the American Society, - - . - 112.75 

Total, 8700,75 

PLEDGES. 

To the Massachusetts Society, - - - *$2,305,00 

To the American Society, - - - - 2,576,00 

Total, S4,S81,00 

Whole amount of receipts and pledges, - - 85,531,75 

A lady present contributed $300. Another lady pledged a pair 
of ffold ear rings. A lady of Massachusetts, pledged one half of 
wluit slie was to receive as a Teacher, the coming year, being half 
of 815!). It was stated that a lady, recently deceased, had be- 
queathed 81,000 to the American Anti-Slavery Society. 

The Convention adjourned till 3 P. M. 



* Of diis sum, .'sixteen iiundrcd (Inlliins wrie pledged hy the Boston Female Anti- 
Slavery Society, .=ix luuidred of wliicli are to be paid upon a certain contingency. 
7 



50 

AFTERNOON SESSION. 

A. A. Phelps offered the following resolutions, which he in- 
troduced with remarks explaining the grounds on which they were 
now brought forward, and enforced tlie propriety of their adoption 
by argument. Notes of Mr. Phelps" remarks were not taken, and 
we are unable to give them. 

PURIFICATION OF THE CHLUCHES. 

Wherea?, llie liulJing of hiiinaii Ijeings a.s properly is a viululion of llic preat law 
of love, a usurpation of the prerogatives of the Most High, an invasion of the rights 
of man, and, in ilstlf, eslortion and robbery of the uio.st heinous character : 

And uliereas, it annihilates human personality, — and practically renders null and 
void tlie parental and conjugal relations, cPriving the ploughshare of ruin over the 
whole field of social rights and domestic ties, and introducing a system of universal 
concubinage — withholding the Bible, and, at the master's discretion, all other means 
of grace, so reducing mind, by wholesale and on system, to ignorance, vice, and even 
heathenism itself: 

And ulnneas, the system of wrongs and abominations which grows out of this 
practice, is, to an alarming extent, upheld, both in the theory and the practice of 
members of Christian churches, and of professetl ministers of th.c gospel : 

And whereas, such conduct passes unrcproved by large portions of the Christian 
church, not directly implicated in the practice, and so, by tiie theory and practice of 
the one class, and the silence and" good fellowship of the other, the sanction of the 
church ;ind of religion itself is given to ihis enormity : 

And whereas, it is the right and duty of every man, in the church or out of it, not 
indeed to legislate for the church, but to express his opinion of crime, and of the duty 
of himself and his fellow men, in their various relations in life, in respect to it : 

And whereas, it is a libel on Christianity to suppose, for a monuiit, that she ran 
welcome w ithin her sacred enclosure, and give her sanctio-i and countenance to op- 
pression, and theft, and robbery, and extortion of the \ciy wor.-l kind : 

And whereas, God himself, in the scriptures of truth, by the month of his apostles, 
has enjoined upon the Christian clmrch to have no fellowsliip with iniquity, and par- 
ticularly, ' if any man that is called a brother,' be an extortioner ' to put away that 
wicked person,' from her : Therefore 

Resol'.ed, 1. That, in tiie oi)inion of this Convention, no man who holds his broth- 
er man as property, should be admitted to membership in the Christian church; 

Resolved, 2. That persons, now members of Christian churches, whether private 
members or ministers, who are guilty of this sin, should at once, as in the rase of any 
other flagrant sin, and according lo the directions given in the gospel, be remonstrnled 
with, and entreated to repent and forsake it; and if, on a fiir and faiilil'ul trial with 
them, they remain incorrigible, and persist in their sin, that they shoiiKl forthwith, 
according to the direction of the apostle, be ' put away ' from among th.ni. 

Resolved, 3. That it is the solemn duty of all Christians, private members and min- 
isters alike, to pray and labor, unceasingly anil pcrseveringlv, ."or the purification of 
the Christian church, in respect to this matter; and to this vIk], that they do their ut- 
most in their se\eral religious connexions, to bring the individual churches of which 
they are members, and the religiogs bodies with which lho\ are connected, to adopt 
and act on the principles just named; and that no considerations of peace, in the 
countenance and fellowship of this crying abomination, can for a moment be weighed 
in the balance against the claims (jf outraged humanity, the puiificalion of the church, 
the honor of religion, and obeilicncc to God. 

Resolved, 4. That this Conxention having thus expressed its opinion on the ques- 
tion of duly, docs now respcctftilly and earnestly entreat churches, meetings, religious 
bodies, and preachers of the gospel of all denominations, to make this subject one of 
eerious and prayerful consideration and action; and by prajer and preaching, tie j-ub- 
lication of opinions, the opening of their meeting-houses and pulpits, and by their 



51 

Resolved, Tliat when tlie progress of eorniption and despotism in tlic cliurcli is 
siicli as to givcemrciiey to doclrines, and to sanction and defend practices, like tliose 
now ])roiniilgatcd and toieraled on the subject of ficodoin and human rights in por- 
tions ol the American chnrch, it becomes a serious (inestion, whctiier tlie atlvocates 
of truth and righteousness, after doing wiiat they can, and all tiiat (Christian forbear- 
ance and the precepts ol" the gospel renuire, to reform the churches and ecclesiastical 
bodies, of which ihev are members, it be not (heir solemn duty to ' COME OUT 
FROM AMOA'G TIIEM, AND 15E SEPARATE.' 

H. C. VVriuiit was pleased to see these resolutions introduced. 
They came to the point. Tiierc were many Christians who had 
found out a middle place to stop at, somewhere between Abolition 
and slaveholding in the church. He had never been able to dis- 
cover that half way house, but those who had put up at it, did not 
like to be turned out, and therefore we must expect they would 
oppose these resolutions. 

Stripped of all verbiage, the plain meaning of these resolutions 
was — first, tliat Christians, who, with the knowledge of the light 
that is now spread on the subject of slavery, persist in their right 
to hold men as property, are thieves and robbers ; second, that no 
man ought to be received or retained in the Christian church, and 
no minister be admitted into our pulpits, who is guilty of this 
crime. Sir, said Mr. W. when 1 see a rank slaveholder, in the 
garb of a minister of the goi^pel of love and peace and justice, 
going up into the pulpit, I feel a shudder as if I saw the monster 
slavery itself, crawling up into the sacred desk, and protruding his 
snaky head over the cushion. 

Tiie third proposition contained in the resolutions, is, that those 
who continue to hold to and practice slavery in the church, should, 
after a suitable admonition, be excluded. Sir, if any thing should 
arouse the virtuous indignation of a Christian, it is that a profess- 
ing Christian should act the thief and robber by holding his fellow 
man as a slave. Ought there to be any he^iiation, in excluding 
such a man from the church, after laboring with him to induce 
him to repent 1 

I hope, said Mr. W. that we understand these resolutions, and 
if we adopt them, mean to go by them. There are many minis- 
ters here. I suppose we mean that if a minister boasts of having 
sold a slave for 61,250, — and comes to Providence, he shan't be 
invited into the pulpit to preach as has been done. I suppose the 
resolutions mean to condemn cases like that. 

Sir, what is slaveholding, thai we should hesitate to treat it as 
among the vilest of sins ? The slaveholder claims the right to 
hold his Christian brother in the church, as a beast— to buy and 
sell the image of God as a beast , to make him work without com- 



52 

pensation ; to deny him the Bible; to take his life with impunity; 
to put out the lights of the boul, and reduce him to the condition 
of a thing. This is slavery, and do you hesitate whether a Chris- 
tian can knowingly do this ? Did you ever see a slaveholder's 
heart? You may see that heart, as black as hell, as cruel as the 
grave, in the slaveholder's laics. If you want to see the slavehold- 
er's heart and learn if that can be a Christian's heart, go to the 
slaveholder's laws. Sir, the mere act of making a man property, 
is enough to stain the man who deliberately does it, as the blackest 
criminal. And this is the character of slavery ; of that slavery 
which has taken refuge in the sanctuary of the church, which has 
coiled itself under the very altar, and been fed and fattened with 
the bread and wine of the love of Christ! 

This slavery goes into your pulpits and preaches ; it comes to 
your communion table and eats the bread and wine, the body and 
blood of a dying Saviour. Whenever a southern slaveholding 
minister comes to the North, he is caressed by your ministers, 
deacons and church members, who crowd around him, and take 
their hats off to him, and hail him as a Christian brother. 

But some complain that this is hard usage, that we must be ten- 
der and must not rebuke men for the sin of slavery, which they 
can't very well help. Is it hard usage, is it unchristian or unjust, 
to call a thief a thief? Is there any thing in the Bible which tells 
us that we must turn out of the church a poor ignorant man, who 
should steal even so much as a pocket handkerchief, but that we 
must say nothing to your learned D. D's, who are men-stealers ! 
Is this hard usage ? I once said to a learned D. D., Sir, 
ought we to regard as a Christian, the man who claims the 
right, as a slaveholder, to separate husband and wife, parent 
and child, whenever it promotes his pecuniary interest? Yes, an- 
swered the D. D. if he gives evidence of having the spirit of Christ 
in him ! But, Sir, said I, how can a man have the spirit of Christ 
in him who does so? In what part of his Testament has Christ 
given countenance to such a spirit as this, and could the man 
■who would thus violate the plainest precepts of the gospel, have 
the spirit of Christ in him ? I think he could, answered the D. D. 
What crimes are there, I inquired, that should exclude a man 
from the Church ? There are thousands, he replied. Is stealing 
one, said I. Yes. Stealing what? I asked. The D. D. did'nt 
answer. Here the shoe pinches. If a member of the church 



53 

steals your dog, out he goes; but if he steals my wife and chil* 
dren, and lays violent hands on me if I resist ; and gives us all up 
to the lash, and sells us to the slave dealer, for filthy lucre, what 
is he? What does the Bible call him, Sir? Why it calls him a 
thief and a robber, if ever there were such. Let there be no dis- 
guise or evasion about it. Let us come to the point, just as we 
find it in the New Testament, and let us put it down, as the doc- 
trine of the church, that the church member who claims the right 
and persists, after being labored with, in exercising it, to hold his 
fellow man or fellow Christian, as property, is to be treated by the 
church, as it treats any other unrepentant thief and robber. 

But it is said, that our brethren at the South have been trained 
up to it from their youth, and therefore it is not a crime in them. 
Is this the way for Christians to reason ? Because a man has been 
trained up to be a thief and a robber, does that make him an hon- 
est man? AVill he be a good church member, if he refuses to re- 
pent and to make restitution, when his crimes are spread before 
hi.m ? Why don't Christians reason so as to other things ? Why 
don't they admit to the church, without repentance or a change of 
conduct, the man who throws his child into tlie Ganges, or wor- 
ships Juggernaut? He has been trained to do it, and to regard it 
as no sin. Will you receive him into church fellowship? Oh no, 
we can't receive him ; but the chivalrous, generous, noble hearted 
slaveholder, we must receive and cherish him as a Christian broth- 
er, and let him hold his slaves ! Shall we do this, and the church 
prosper ? Never. Let the resolutions then go out, and let Cliris- 
tians be compelled to think and act on this great question of duty, 
in the purifying of the churches. 

Nathaniel Colver — 'We shall be charged with legislating for 
the churches, with trying to break them up and to sow discord 
among the people of God. This charge will come thundering 
down upon us from high places, if we pass these resolutions, and 
tiie question is whether this Convention shall take upon itself a 
commission, by virtue of which. Abolitionists must either cleanse 
the church of the sin of slavery, or cleanse themselves from the 
church in which slavery is not accounted a sin. Allow me to of- 
fer a kw reasons why these resolutions should go forth from this 
Convention. 

Every Christian has an interest in his home, in keeping it clean 
and pure. Zion is his home, and he has an interest in every thing 



54 

that concerns this home, the visible church on earth. Now shive- 
ry defiles this home. It defiles tlie cliurchof God. John describes 
in Revelations, that among (he tilings he saw which defiled the 
church of God, were multitudes of slaves, and the souls of men. 
Now, if John saw this as an offence and a defilement of the 
church, is it nothing to us who see it, and must those of the 
church, who regard slavery as John the Revelator did, consent to 
be defiled by it, by uniting with it in the church 1 

But we shall disturb the church, they tell us, and break up a 
few parishes perhaps, and take away the minister's salary. The 
minister's home and not the Christian's home, the pure home of the 
Church, is what they are thinking of, and many, who wink at sins 
rather than expose them in the church, seem to think that if the 
minister can only get a home and be made comfortable, it is no 
matter what becomes of the home of the Christian ; no matter how 
much that is disturbed or defiled, if the parish is only kept togeth- 
er to support tlie minister. O yes, the minister must have a home 
and when any one stirs to put away this pollution, that he may en- 
joy his home in Zion, he is told that he must sit down, and keep 
quiet and not disturb the church. Why, Sir, Abolitionists have 
got consciences as well as souls, and they feel this, and can they 
feel it and not wish to get rid of this pollution ? The Abolitionist 
must raise the cry and protest against it. The home of his soul is 
polluted; it is reproached for the sin that dwelleth in it; and 
when he goes out from that home, he must bear the reproach. 
Yes, there are infidels to reproach us for the sins of the church ; 
and sometimes, I wonder there are not more, when they look at 
the lives of Christians in this matter. They see in the church 
what John saw, 'slaves and the souls of men.' They see slavery 
justified, and they think of the profession of the Christian and 
compare it with his practice. They see that he promises to lay 
hold on Christ and let go of the world, but they find him trying to 
walk with both in his hands, and when he has to let go of one, it 
is of Christ, while he holds on to the world. 

Another ground that is taken, why the churches should not be 
purified from the sin of slavery, is prudence! O! they say, you 
must be prudent, or you will disturb the church ! Ministers, es- 
pecially, are getting to be very prudent! How often you hear it 
said, when any crying sin is talked about ; such a minister is a 
prudent man. lie lets all exciting subjects alone. Yes, he is 
careful not to disturb the ungodly. He is a prudent man ! And 



so were the Priest and the Levitc i)rudent men. When the man 
fell aniouiT thieves, on the way to Jericho, the Priest came along 
and saw him, and passed by on the other side. He did'nt stop to 
sec if he could help him. He had no idea of having the dust and 
blood soil his clothes, lie was n. prudent man ! Ne.\.t came along 
.1 Levite. He w^s ?l candidate for the ministry, and had learnt 
from the old priest to be prudent! He didn't touch the wounded 
man for fear of some trouble or expense, and he too passed by. 
Wliat a prudent man ! Tlien came the Samaritan. He had no 
dculingj with the Jews, hut he saw a man in distress ; he turned 
aside, he took the wounded man on his beast, and carried liim to 
the inn, and provided for him. It cost him a great deal of trouble. 
He was not a prudent man. 

Now, sir, when inlidels and scolfers look on, and see Christiairs 
pass by on t!ic other side, and leave tlie poor down-trodden slave, 
\vound;?d, and bleeding, and robbed; nay, help to rob him them- 
selves; we may say tiiat they are prudent men, but it brings a 
reproach upon the church; and it is thus that Christ is wounded 
in the house of his friends. Can we wonder that infidels, seeing 
these things, doubt tlie cincerity of the church, and scofT at the 
professions of its members ? Tlie intemperate man, tlie man who 
deals in ardent spirits, is excluded from the churcli, as an unwor- 
tliy member ; but tlie slaveholder, the dealer in human flesh, he is 
received in full fellowship. Will not the inquiry be made, how 
it is th.it selling rum is such a sin in the church, and selling men, 
women, and children, no sin at all ? 

Some men advocate slavery as if it were sanctioned by the word 
of God, but the infidel hears all the ministers say that slavery is 
wrong : all agree it is wrong, and yet they do rrothing to rebuke 
the wrong, but are ofiended with those who do, for disturbing the 
churcli. There is always a but; an apology for slavery, as if it 
would get rid of the sin, to cover it up and not confess it. Like a 
church member I once heard attempting to confess that he had 
been intoxicated. He went round and round it, tching how he 
was, and making his excuses. Said I, brother, you was drunk — 
let it cor.ie out, and clear your conscience. ' Yes,' says he, 'I was 
drunk.' Now I want the church when it confesses, should speak 
out and say slavery. Let it come out, and not cover it up. 

There is another way in which slavery is a great stumbling block 
in the church. The church of God has enlisted in a great many 
noble enterprises, in which we are all interested, especially in Bible 



56 

and Missionary Societies. I and you want to aid in the good work, 
but our money has got to go in bad company, along with the money 
of the slaveholder. The Jews were wicked enough to kill Jesus, 
but they were not wicked enough to put the price of blood 
into tlie Lord's treasury. Our church is defiled with slavery. We 
put our money into God's treasury, with the money of the slavehold- 
er. I see a stain of blood there, and where does it come from ? 
from the souls of men. The church is called upon to aid the 
cause of missions. The cry is, the poor Burmans want help ; they 
are perishing for lack of vision. They want the gospel, and we 
must help to send it to them, or they perish. The agent of the 
Missionary Society goes to the church member who is a slavehold- 
er — ' How does your heart beat, brother, toward the cause of mis- 
sions '? Will you give something to help the poor heathen, for the 
Lord's treasury is empty 1 ' Th<3 appeal goes to the heart of the 
Christian (! ) slaveholder. He looks about him for means? ' Here, 
Peter, take Tom and sell him, and bring me the money ; the Lord's 
treasury is empty, and we must do something to give the gospel to 
the poor heathen.' But, remonstrates Peter, ' Tom has got a wife 
and children. It will wring their hearts to separate them.' ' No 
matter for that, the Lord's treasury is empty and must be filled.' 

Tom is sold, and the slave dealing church member is praised 
through all the churches, as ti pious brother, and a liberal contrib- 
utor to the great cause of missions! Thus we do in the church, 
what the murderous Jews would not do ; put the price of blood into 
the Lord's treasury. 

I can't give up the blessed cause of missions. My heart is with 
it, and I long to see it prosper ; but when I reflect that the price 
of blood is in tl.c Lord's treasury, that the very Bible which is sent 
to the poorBurmau, is purchased by the sale of men, perhaps of 
Christians, who are denied the use of the Bible by the very same 
professing Christians, who take of the price of the slave to send 
that Bible to the heathen, I don't know what to do. I don't won- 
der that tlie infidel doubts our sincerity. Can I wish success to 
an enterprise which requires the sale of men and women to sustain 
it? Sir, I fear that in the judgment day, when all will be brought 
to liglit, impiety and hypocrisy will be found written on the church, 
in this matter. When the offerings of the church shall be laid on 
God's altar, to be tried by fire, how will it bear the test ? I have 
often thought of this, and it has lain on my conscience like a great 
weiijht. All the benevolent enterprises of the church are tainted 



57 

with this sin, and has not God turned his face from them for this 
very thing! I am persuaded tlicy can never succeed till we begin 
the work at home. 

Slavery has no such darling shelter as the church. There 
is no other place where that wily snake so securely coils himself 
up, and fattens on his prey, and retires to repose and slumber. Yes, 
the monster of oppression is under the folds of the church of 
Christ, and there finds more security than under the shelter of wily 
politicians or wicked men. Why, sir, all that the leaders of sla- 
very mobs have done at the North to trample on free discussion 
has not satisfied the slaveholder half so much as the soothing their 
consciences receive from the approbation of the church. Politi- 
cians and worldly men cannot console them. They say, let us 
alone ; but if they can get good men to approve — if the church 
will do it — it is worth a great deal, for it soothes the conscience. 
The South fear tliat we shall reach the consciences of those among 
them who are not altogether satisfied that slaveholding is not a sin. 
They fear this more than they do all the insurrections they pretend 
to lay to abolitionists. Hence the South is so anxious to get the 
Church not to condemn slavery. If they can get her name on 
their side, they can quiet the consciences of professing slavehold- 
ers. When a man in good credit signs his name in blank, you can 
fill it up as you please. The church thus endorses for slavery, 
and leaves the slaveholder to fill up the blank. The minister will 
tell you he is opposed to slavery — hut. But what 1 The slave- 
holder fills it up to suit his own case. T dislike that but ; it seems 
to take back all the good a man says. Suppose you want to reform 
a drunkard. You tell him that drinking too much ardent spirit is 
bad, and that he must leave it oS,but — but what? but he mustn't 
do it too suddenly. You may be sure after that, that for fear of 
doing it too suddenly, he won't begin to do it at all. So you tell the 
slaveholder that slavery is bad, very bad, but — but what? but it 
can't be got rid of, and the slaveholder is not to blame, because he 
found slavery here, and he can't help it. Need you say any thing 
more to justify slavery ? 

Another says, ' I am opposed to slavery, hut.' Well, what is 
your but ? ' Why, I am opposed to taking away any man's prop- 
erty, and it would be unjust to ruin the South by taking away all 
their means of living, which is invested in slaves.' This is your 
hut, and this goes the wliole length of justifying slavery. You ad- 
mit that the olave is property, and you talk about depriving a plant- 
8 



58 

er of his property in man, as you would about taking away liis 
horse or his ox. What does the slaveholder want more than this ? 
If you admit that the slave is his property, what right have you to 
say a word more about it ? What business is it to you what sort 
of proj)erty the man owns, whether it is four-legged or two-legged 
cattle, to stock his plantation with ? If it is his property, you have 
no more business to interfere with a Christian's owning a man, than 
his owning a mule. Only guard this strong post for the slaveholder, 
and you give iiim all he asks. If his slave is his property, he is 
safe. You can't touch him. He can own slaves with as clear a 
conscience as he can own oxen; he can raise slaves with as clear 
a conscience as he can raise cotton. 

Suppose we should get up a society to try to convince the pub- 
lic that it was wicked to own oxen and to raise cotton. W^ould it 
trouble the South ? Not at all. Would McDuffie and Calhoun 
come out against it in thunder ? Not they ; they would laugh at 
it. They would know that their oxen and their cotton were prop- 
trty, and that we could not make any body believe otherwise. But 
when we say tliat the slave is not property, that there is no right to 
hold man as property, then we touch their consciences. 

Now, sir, shall the church be silent, and not raise its voice against 
this wickedness ? In almost every church there are more or less 
abolitionists. They sanction what the church does, if they do 
not oppose ; and hence, if the church is upholding slavery, and 
abolitionists in the church arc silent, do they not uphold slavery 
too? How are they to get along in the sight of God, if they are 
silent ? In a church in Providence, an abolitionist was refused 
the pulpit on the Sabbath to preach in ; but another man came 
along, Dr. Manly, from the South, a clerical slaveholder, who had 
just sold a slave, and he was invited to preach in the same pulpit. 
Now what does this say to the South? Dr. Manly goes home, and 
they ask him how the Churches at the North get along about sla- 
very ? ' Are they all fanatics ? ' 'I guess you would not think so,' 
the Doctor could say, ' if you knew how they treated mr. Why,- 
they turned an abolitionist fanatic out of one of their pulpits, and 
let me preach in it. They knew I had sold a .«lave, but they liked 
me all the better for it.' This is the way the church endorses 
slavery, and in this the abolitionists of the church are involved. 
Can they, ought they, longer to consent to be partners in this great 



59 

Sir, our weapons are spiritual, not carnal. While I honor the 
course pursued by the Legislature of Massachusetts, I have no 
great faith in politicians or in patriotism for the success of our 
cause. I love my country, but I have seen enough to make me 
asliained of my country. I have seen her declaring that my fellow- 
creatures, suffering the tyranny of slavery in this land of liberty, 
have no right lo petition — that tlicy must sulTcr in silence.* Strong 
as patriotism or love of country may bo, it is a fire tliat will burn 
out before our work is done. The trial of the abolitionist will be 
severer than the trial of the patriot. The patriot may rush to the 
field and die there in glory, but the abolitionist has got no such 
resource ; he has got to sullor, and to see through the injuries he 
must bear, all the dearest rights of citizens guarded in the Consti- 
tution, trampled on by the supporters of slavery. In this struggle 
the fire of patriotism may all go out, but there is a spirit that will 
hold out, and tliat won't tire. Now and then there is a glimmer of 
light even at tlie South. If we continue to act upon the minds and 
consciences of men there, they must have vent before long. Convic- 
tion will not forever sleep in the breast of the slaveholder. He who 
turnetli tiie hearts of men as the rivers of water are turned, can do 
this, in his own good time; and though I go forth weeping, I look 
for the harvest, when we shall come again bringing sheaves ; when 
tiiis blessed cause, the cause of freedom, the cause of Jesus, the 
cause of the poor, shall triumph. 

George Bourne, of New-York, remarked, that it was said, the 
clmrch at the South wanted light as to the sin of sjaveholding. 
Was it possible to believe that there was a well-informed church 
member at the South, who did not know that slavery is wrong? that 
it is wrong to hold a fellow-man, and especially a fellow Christian, 
as jjroperty ? There was no want of light at the Soutii on this 
subject, but so long as tiie Church kept silent, the slaveholder could 
turn off his own sin upon them. We were wasting a great deal of 
logic to prove lliat a thief was a thief, that black is black, instead of 
going straiglit forward and calling a man who steals a man, a thief. 
They need not be afraid, tliat with the light which has been shed 
over the Soulli, any man could be a thief and not know it. If he 

* riie (leclai-alion of Mr. Pickens of South Carolina, and the memorable attempt 
to cen.^nre .Mr. Atianis in the House of Represcutatives, Feb. 7, 1837, was, tiiat iiis 
horse ov liis dog had as good riglit to petition as his slave! ]\Ir. Adams replted in 
substance, tiiat he vvoidd receive a petition from the gentleman's horse or dog, if, like 
his slave, they had the facully of speech, and the power of communicating ideas. 



60 

did not know it, the surest way to convince him of it, and bring it 

home to his conscience, was to write upon every pulpit at the North, 

'NO MAN-STEALER PREACHES HERE.' 

Samuel Lee, of New-Tpswich, N. H., desired to say a few words 
upon the resolutions, though the state of his lungs was such as to 
render it difficult for him to speak. When I go home and lecture 
on abolition to my people, as I have been accustomed to do, I shall 
be obliged to meet the objections which I know will be raised 
against the passage of these resolutions by this Convention. I am 
connected in an association with ministers of the gospel, who don't 
like to hear me lecture on abolition, and who are opposed to bring- 
ing this question into the church. I shall be asked if this Conven- 
tion is a proper body to pass resolutions affecting church member- 
ship. I confess, sir, there appears to mc to be much in this objec- 
tion. I fear the effects of an interference with church discipline 
on the part of this Convention, which is not an ecclesiastical body. 
Will it not have a tendency to alarm, and throw off into distance, 
those who otherwise would come with us ? I shall be told that the 
Convention which passed these resolutions censuring the churclses, 
is not only no ecclesiastical body, but tliat the men w-ho compose it 
are not all members of churches, or Christians. I shall be told that 
here were assembled together men wlio hold that Christ is God, and 
must be worshipped as such, and others who deny this, and believe 
it idolatry to worship Christ as God ; and that neither of these 
classes consider the other Christians; and that there were others, 
who made no pretensions to religion, but trampled under foot the 
blood of Ciirist. Now they w'ill say, these persons will come to- 
gether in an Anti-Slavery Convention, connive at each other's sins, 
and then pass resolutions about what is proper in the discipline of 
Churches, touching a particular sin, in relation to which there is 
as much difference of opinion in the church, as there is upon the 
doctrines I have alluded to. These objections 1 have got to meet, 
and I throw them out to my brethren, that they may well consider 
how they can be answered, before these resolutions are adopted. 

It will be said that we are going too fast; and that, contrary to 
the scripture rule, we are for casting men out of the church before 
they have had sufficient light to convince them they are in error. 
The speaker last up was the only one who has touched this impor- 
tant point. Convince me of that, and I have my answer ; but I 
want to to be satisfied that our Christian brethren at the South sin 
in the light, with their e^es open. 



61 

T shall be toKl that good and pious men, the ornaments and pil- 
lars of the church, have been slaveholders and thought it no sin ; 
and that there are still such in the churches at the South, as there 
have been pious and good men with us, exemplary members of 
churches, who have sold alcohol. This once was thought no sin 
in the church, but lor me to do it with the light I have, would be 
a sin, almost as direct as if I were to put a dagger to the heart of 
a man. Yet wo all admit that there have been Christians, who 
were such, while engaged in destroying the bodies and souls of 
men, by retailing ardent spirit — scattering firebrands and death. 
But they had no light. Now they cannot do so, without coming 
into the light and seeing that it is sin. 

Take another example. What should we say of the crime of 
polygamy in a church member ? We should start back with hor- 
ror. Yet the time has been, when the most favored of the friends 
of God might have many wives. 

Now it seems to me, that before we pass these resolutions, we 
must come clearly to the conclusion, on satisfactory evidence, that 
there is so much light at the South that no rnan can be a Christian 
and a slaveholder. I cannot believe it yet, viewing the many things, 
now accounted enormous sins, which Christians have done, when 
they were not thought to be sins. Sir, with the light I have, were 
I a slaveholder, I would emancipate my slaves, if I were to be 
burnt at the stake for so doing. I should be a man-stealer to hold 
a slave an hour. But is there the same light at the South with 
Christians, which I have here ? I am not prepared to say how far 
Christians may go in sin, and yet not lose their claim to be consid- 
ered Christians, when I think of David with his wives, the death 
of Uri;ih, and many acts of the pious men of old. Why, sir, if 
you and I were to do what Jacob did when he got the blessing, 
how long should we be suffered to remain members of a Christian 
church ? We can only explain this on the ground that Jacob had 
not light. Before v/e condemn our brethren, therefore, we must 
be sure that they have got light, and that it is their own fault if 
they will not see. 

If I understand tlie views of the brethren who meet here in this 
Convention, it is not their purpose to set up for Popes, or Cardinals, 
or Councils. Their object is to disseminate the truth, to send out 
agents, to convince the people of the danger and wickedness of 
slavery, and bring about emancipation by peaceful means. Now, 
sir, there arc a great many ministers engaged in this good work, 



62 

but though we are Abolitionists, must not the ministers of the 
church stand up for the cliurch, and protect her walls from being 
thrown down ? I dare say that our Christian brethren have done 
wrong in regard to slavery. T say nothing to justify them, for they 
have sinned even in not seeing the light; but let us not call them 
by too hard names ; let us not go too far in our zeal for a good 
cause. These resolutions propose to divide the church — that will 
be the effect. It will set those who are excitable in the churches 
to work, and must lead to contentions and divisions. If the aboli- 
tionists do not do it, the other side may, by complaining that the 
abolitionists have undertaken to denounce them. That will be an 
entering wedge, one side or the other, and the newspapers and 
other influences, will drive it home, until it severs the church. 
Those who go out will divide again, perhaps, by the ne.xt year, on 
moral reform, or some other question ; and liow long will it take to 
subdivide the church, until its strength and beauty are lost? I 
know I am detaining the Convention by remarks that are not grate- 
ful ; but we are friends of free discussion, and I do but speak that 
which I think. lam not at present able to go more fully into this 
subject. 

The Convention adjourned. 

[Other subjects having been assigned for consideration at the 
meeting of the Convention, Thursday forenoon, in Park Street 
Church, the further discussion of the resolutions on tlie Purification 
of the Churches, was deferred until Thursday afternoon. For the 
purpose of keeping up the connexion, the remainder of the discus- 
sion here follows.] 

Alanson St. Clair said, that it was ohjecled against the adoj> 
tion of these resolutions, that this is not the time or place ; but 
if it were not, when and where were the time and place? Was 
it in Synods, or General Assemblies, or Conferences ? You were 
there toKl it would disturb the church, and offend the slaveliolding 
brethren present, and you must say nothing about sla\ery. Was 
it in tlie churches themselves? Most of them too would decide 
not to touch the subject, for fear of hurting the minister or dea- 
con, or somebody else. Go to your religious Associations, and 
what were they doing there? fn one of them, in this city, yester- 
day, a sermon was preached to show that every body was to blame 
who meddled with the sin of slavery. It would disturb the har- 
mony and union of tiie church; this was the plea, and how did 



63 

those who made it practice upon it? Why, when an Abolitionist 
was going to lecture, they would get up a riot to preserve tlie 
peace and union of the churcli ! [n his own town, some church 
members and others came to break up an Abolition meeting, with 
fiddles and instruments and upronr, making all manner of noise 
and disturbance, just to preserve the harmony of the church ! 
We should not inquire what our enemies will say, but wliat our 
consciences will say. If our enemies say tliis is no place for such 
resolutions and that we undertake to legislate for the church, let 
them say so ; we know we don't do it ; it is not legislating for the 
church, but merely expressing our opinion of the sins of the 
church. 

C. C. BoRLEiGif remarked, that the principal objcclion which 
was made to the adoption of the resolutions, was in the nature of 
a plea to the jurisdiction ; but he contended that this Convention 
had a right to pass them, simply because they had a right to ex- 
press their opinion ; and why should the church complain of an 
expression of opinion ? We do not speak for the church, we 
speak for ourselves. Christ says that the church is a city set on 
cl hill, which means that it is to be for the inspection of all, not to 
be hidden from observation ; and is the church to complain that 
its conduct is observed and spoken of by men, nay even b} world- 
ly men, if it deserves rebuke? We have waited for some action 
on this subject, from the church itself until it is in vain to wait 
longer. If the Priest and Levite will not take compassion on the 
wounded man by the way, we Samaritans must : if the church 
wont act, those out of the church must. This Convention did 
not interfere with church discipline ; it proposed to express its 
opinion as to whether men can knowingly commit the particular 
sin described in these resolutions, and be entitled to our fello\v- 
ship as Christians. Members of difTcrent churches or o^ no 
church, had a right to express their opinions on this as well as 
other subjects. ^Ve had expressed our opinions about Congress, 
without being members of Congress ; about Legislatures, about 
Presidents and Governors ; and was the church to be exempted 
from the free expression of opinion upon its conduct in relation to 
slavery ? 

Sir, said Mr. B. slavery is an outrage upon humanity ; we are 
men and as such have a right to exj)ress our abhorrence of injus- 
tice and oppression. I care not where tyranny exists, u liether in 
the Convention or out of it, whether on this globe or on the remot- 



64 

est star, I have a right to raise my voice against it. I have no fear 
that the church cannot bear any expression of opinion, by bodies 
of men in or out of the church. If false, they will not touch her ; 
if true, she ought to hear tliem and repent. If there be any church 
that cannot bear the truth, it is no church of Christ, but the Syna- 
gogue of Satan. 

Another objection against the adoption of the resolutions was, 
that slaveholding church members were ignorant that slavery was 
a sin. Now in whose favor was this saving clause of ignorance 
brought forward ? It was the men least likely to be necessarily 
ignorant — not the poor slave, but the intelligent master, the re- 
spectable church member — nay, the minister himself These were 
the men, so ignorant of the first principles of right and wrong, 
that they must be excused for stealing a man in their ignorance, 
when they themselves would not excuse the slave, should he steal 
the smallest article of property ! Was ignorance to excuse such 
men? If there never had been any law or any argument against 
slavery, the consciences of men, and the light of Heaven which 
shines in upon them, were enough to convince them that slavery 
is wrong, viewed merely as a fundamental question in morals and 
human rights. But the argument of ignorance could not apply 
now, as it possibly might have done, when the whole world was 
buried in the sin of slavery. The light of discussion and inquiry 
has gone forth, and no man, especially no Christian, who possessed 
the capacity for distinguishing between good and evil, could have 
escaped bringing this question home to his own conscience, and 
asking himself if slavery is not a sin. 

What ground then was there to fear the effect of these resolu- 
tions 1 It was putting down the load-stone of truth, to try the 
church. Some particles may fly off at first, from the force of 
mechanical pouer ; but if it be the pure steel, all will return ; and 
if it don't return, you may be sure it is not steel ! The hay, wood 
and stubble would go off, but this would not divide the church, it 
would only throw off what adheres to the church, but docs not be- 
long to it. And suppose we did go on purifying, were Christians 
afraid that tlie church would become too pure ? 

In relation to the inquiry, whether professing slaveholders were 
ignorant that slavery was a sin, Mr. B. referred to a conversation 
which passed not long ago, between a slaveholding clergyman and 
an Abolitionist, in which the latter referred to Mr. Clay as being 
in favor of emancipation. The clergyman replied that if Mr 



65 

Clay was a Christian, he would not be in favor of abolishing sla- 
very ; and that Mr. C!ay had told him he was not a christian but 
he hoped to be !* Now was it possible to believe this clergyman 
sincere in what he said, and to be so ignorant of the gospel as to 
really believe that converting a man would make him a supporter 
of slavery ; thus making the buying and selling and holding of 
slaves a christian duty ! Here was either hypocrisy or a total want 
of religion, for it was not possible to believe that a man who would 
undertake to justify slavery from the. New Testament, knew any 
thing about Christianity. No, the man who professed to believe 
that slavery was an ordinance of Clirist, must have his soul per- 
verted instead of converted ; he must himself be a slave to sin ; 
in the gall of bitterness and the bonds of iniquity. 

Mr. Li.oyd of Salem thought that many Christians had been 
engaged in slavery without a knov/ledge of the guilt. The pu^us 
John Nev,'ton was engaged in the slave trade after his conversion, 
and was not for sometime brought to reflect upon the sin he was 
committing. He had sinned without knowledge. Wilberforce, 
for many years, did not think of the wickedness of slavery, and 
did nothing to oppose it. Would these resolutions exclude such 
men from church fellov/sbip? He believed that the resolutions 
contained Bible doctrine, as there was another class, to which they 

^Tlifi circumslance all.ided lo by Mr. Biirleisli, is related in a letter from a mem- 
ber of Congress (v^m Ohio, published in the Philanthropist of JNIay 19. In a con- 
versation with an elderly clergyman of Kentucky, on board a steam boat between 
Cincinnati and New Richmond, the clergyman said he thought the member of Con- 
gress spoke unguardedly against slavery. I remarked to him, that I had heard one of 
the eminent citizens of his State, Jlr. Clay, denounce slavery in stronger terms than 
1 thought I was doing. He replied, he knew Mr. Clay was opposed to slavery, that 
he had heard hini a few days before speak against it as an evil of the fiist magnitude, 
b'it, said he, ' ^Ir- Clay has done so. because he is not a Christian.' He heard Mr. 
Clay confess that, but said he yet hoped to be one: that for himself he not only was 
a member of a Christian chu.ch ; but professed to be a Christian in truth; l)nt he 
held and believed slavery to be an ordinance of God and sustained and supported by 
the doctrines of the Bible, and he went on at some length to prove the position he had 
assumed. I told him in reply, that it was probable Mr. Clay made no profession of 
religion by being a mend)er of any Christian church, that I was not disposed to enter 
into a controversy with him on ihe subject of his religions opinions, but would leave 
the question, as lo slavery being an ordinance of God, to be settled by the Divines of 
the country. But one thing I would assure him, that, if slavery made a part of his 
leiigion, it was a religion condemned by the moral sense of mankind, and of a church 
professing that religion I had no wish to become a member.' 

Upon this the Philanthropist remarks. 

' We will call attention to but one fact. A Christian minister deliberately as- 
signed as the reason why Henry Clay believes slavery to be a great evil, the 
FACT, THAT HK i.s NO Christian. All then that is necessary lo bring Mr. Clay 
over to the belief that slavery is a blessing, a divine ordinance, is, to make him a 
Christian '. What additional cause has the clerical .slaveholder to pray for the uni- 
versal trium|)h of Christianity f Why, under its benign auspices the chains of slave- 
ry may yet clank in every clime.' 

9 



66 

would apply as well as the slaveholder ; he ineant those who sup- 
ported slavery at the North. Christians who did this, and opposed 
the emancipation of the slave, with the light they had here., he 
thought were quite as bad as the slaveholder. 

Samuel S.xowden of Boston, (a colored Methodist preacher, 
once a slave) — What I have to say on this matter comes right from 
the heart. I have got no learning to make a speech. All the 
learning I ever had, was in the battle-field. Sir, the cornfield work- 
ed by the slave. The proverb says, nobody can tell so well where 
the shoe pinches as them who wear it, especially if they have 
corns. I have worn the old shoe of slavery, and 1 know where it 
pinches. I can't understand how any body can hold a slave and 
not know it is wrong. When I hear people condemn the slave 
trade, and then make apologies for'slavehoiders, I don't see where 
the difference is. I should as soon think a slaveholding church 
member wouldn't be likely to know what the color of his slaves 
was, as that he wouldn't know slaveholding was a sin. The slave- 
holders are not so ignorant as some say they are, in order to ex- 
cuse them in their wickedness. A man from (he South came to 
hear me preach, and when he found out 1 had been a slave, he 
wished to talk with me. He said the northern men had an idea 
the southern men don't teach their slaves. Now, said he, I teach 
three myself, and a minister who preaches in a certain place, 
teaches one hundred every Sunday. But, said I, wliat does he 
teach them? Does he teach them to read the Bible and to write, 
and to give them a chance to improve like men who have got souls 
to be saved ? He could'nt say he did. I asked him if he held any 
slaves. O yes, he said, a k\v. I asked him if he would like to be 
a slave? He said, No. Then I asked him how he could recon- 
cile it with God's word, ' Do unto others, as ye would that others 
should do unto you ? ' He didn't answer that, but look out a 
pamphlet ; to get rid of me, I suppose. Didn't he know that sla- 
very was wrong? I should have thought I was insulting him, if I 
had told him he did not understand it. Don't understand it? Are 
the white people who have got so much education and so many 
gospel privileges, so ignorant as that ? Why, Sir, the poor slaves 
understand enough to get relin[ion and die and (ro to glory, and 
can't their rich masters understand that sin is sin in the sight of 
God? 

The people of the North don't understand about the s'avehold- 
ers. The northern folks go to the South, and the slaveholders fill 



67 

their heads about slavery being a burden to them, and how miich 
they want to get rid of tlicir slaves, if they dare to do it, only if 
they should give them their freedom they would cut their masters' 
throats. The folks here believe it, and pity the South for having 
such a burden which tliey can't get rid of Now I want to know, 
if it is such a burden, why tlie slaveholders, when a slave gets 
away, always come here after their burden ? VVhy aint they glad 
to get rid of their burden. When their slaves run away and come 
to the North, there is no danger they will cut their masters' throats, 
but their masters always come or send after their burden. I have 
seen a great many of these burdens taken and carried back. 
Sometime ago Mr. Wolfolk, he came here and took five from the 
Court House. I talked to Mr. Wolfolk then ; I asked him if it 
was worth while to go to hell for selling his fellow creatures ? No, 
says he, I didn't mean to sell any more, but the times was so dull 
last summer I bought forty and sent them to sell, and the slaves 
rose upon the Captain and threw him oveiboard, and I lost them. 
They was taken on board a whale ship, after they rose upon the 
Captain, and brought into Nantucket, and some of them got to 
Boston, and that was the reason Wolfolk come here to look after 
his burden. He knew it was wrong, and his conscience had made 
him promise to give it up, and he acknowledged to me that his 
losing the slaves was a judgment of God. Now, Sir, he didn't 
want any light to tell him that slavery was wrong, and don't the 
Christian people of the South know as much as he did ? Wolfolk 
got five of the slaves here, and there was one poor woman, who 
had been advised to go out of the way, because your liberty Con- 
stitution makes your Courts here give up the slaves to their mas- 
ters when called for. But it was no use, they steered as straight 
as a bee to a hive and took the poor woman. That I believe was 
all he got out of his forty slaves. 'Tant possible but what the 
southern people know it is a sin to hold slaves. Mr. Wolfolk knew 
it. If slaves had no intellect, no souls, then their masters might 
not know it was a sin to buy and sell them ; but I will tell you how 
I prove that the slaveholder knows the slave has got a mind and 
got a soul, and is a man like himself. Because they don't dare to 
let him have the same chance as themselves to improve his mind. 
They pass laws against the slave being taught to read and write, 
and make it death to teach them. May be they're afraid the slaves 
would know as much as their masters. Now, if the slave is prop- 
erty, like an ox, why don't the southern people pass laws to make it 



68 

death to teach an ox or horse to read and write? If the slave has 
got no soul, got no intellect, how can he learn any more than an 
ox? If he has got a soul, what right have they to treat him as if 
he was an ox? A man in Congress, the other day, said he would 
as soon hear a petition from his horse as from his slave. 

When we hear of the speeches in Congress, and how they rise 
up for slavery, I tell my colored friends not to be discouraged, but 
to keep on praying to God. Yes, Sir, we are praying all the time 
that God would bring alx)ut the freedom of the slave. Oh. Sirs, 
if there is a God who hears prayer, the slaveholders must tremble 
when they think how many prayers are going up to Him from bond 
and free, that he would break the chains of the slave. Sirs, God, 
we know, answers the prayers of the colored people. We are all 
the time praying that the accursed slave ships may be taken by 
His Majesty's cruisers. We v.ant them to be captured by the 
British, and then we know the poor slaves will be free. If the U. 
States vessels take them, they will be carried into some southern 
port, and sell the slaves to pay the expense. So we pray for His 
Majesty's cruisers, and every once in a while, they pick up a slave 
vessel, blessed be God ! especially the old Buzzard ! 1 say to my 
brethren, pray God that the old Buzzard may have a good wind !* 

Thank God, they can't sell the slaves. The price is going down. 
I heard the other day that they sent a human cargo to Louisiana, 
and could not sell them. The slave dealers and slave raisers are 
complaining that 'tis hard times, because they have got no market 
for men, women and children. Blessed be God for that. I pray 
God th:it if they don't give up slavery, it may become a burden 
they can't bear, till they are glad to free the slaves, and the south- 
ern people themselves will pray the President not to veto it, and 
the time come when the President shall send an express after his 
veto, that slavery is at an end in the" District of Columbia. 

There is no danger, I promise you, of the slaves who come here 
going back to cut their master's throats. If the South don't want 
the burden, why do they hire a yellow man, and send him round 



*TI)e iillur^ion to the ' old Buzzard,' whirli is a favorite cruiser with the free peo- 
ple of col.. r, will be understooil l>v the fallowing extract, which is taken from the 
Washington Glohe : 

•C^PTORK. OP SI.4VK SHIPS. From npcenilier, 1834, to July, 1836, (riu'hlcc!! 
innn-hs,) H single cnii.-ier (till" l'.riganliMf linz/.ar.l, l.iciit. Cainpliell,) caplnii d kmi 
slave vessels, containing 3,460 .Africans. The wlmle were under Spanish colors wiih 
the exception of two. The amount of prize-iiionev is so considerable as to afford the 
sum of 500/. to the commou seamen belonging to the brigantiiie. 



69 

in the alleys in Boston, to be hunting all the time for runaway 
slaves? If there is any Baltimore boys here, I want they should 
know it is old John Smith, a yellow man. He came with a letter, 
pretended it was for Atkins, and he could deliver it to nobody 
elst). Tlie colored people suspected him and told him Atkins had 
gone to sea. Oh, then, he said, the letter was for Atkins' wife. 
That old John Smith, the colored people think, has got the devil 
in hiu). (A laugli.) Gentlemen, excuse me, I am as I am, and 
I speak just what I feci. I am a lover of liberty, and I love the 
slaveholder ; I pray for him, I have no wish to hurt him, but would 
do him good. I want the slave and the slaveholder should have all 
the privileges of Christians and men. I want they should live in 
peace together, die in faith together, and rise in glory together. 

George Bourne said, tliat slavery in the church was a great 
obstacle to Cliristian purity. A white member of the church 
might whip a slave to death or commit any violence, and could not 
be called to account before the church, if none but slaves saw him, 
because their testimony could not be received. He referred to a 
case of this kind, where a church member had Vv'hipped his negro 
boy to death, but though it was known, the church could not deal 
with him, because there were no witnesses but colored persons. 
Were Christians at the North aware of this ? If they were, they 
were bound to wash their hands of it, not with the hypocrisy of 
Pilate, but with a determination to hold no fellowship with those 
who are guilty of such enormities in the church. 

Samuel Lke did not wish to screen the church from any just 
rebuke from any quarter, but he would tiive his brethren a word of 
caution not to say too much against the church. Bad as it was, it 
was the light of the world ; and if we wanted to save the world, 
we must preserve the church of Clirist on earth. 

The point I suggested as the ground of objection to these reso- 
lutions, was either not clearly stated, or has been misapprehended. 
It is not a question of right, as to the jurisdiction of this Conven- 
tion ; but rather a question of propriety, of expediency. Is it a 
proper measure ? Will it do good and not harm 1 We do not 
come together as a religious body, but are made up of Christians 
of all denominations, and those who are not professing Christians. 
When we' pass re^ollltions as to Congress, we have a direct inter- 
est as the const iiueuts of that body ; but would it be proper tor us 
to send a resolution to the King of Great Britain, telling liiui what 
he ought to do on the subject of slavery ? Would it not be going 



70 

out of our province ? Is it not also going out of our province to 
pass resolutions as to the course the church ought to take in the 
discipline of its members on tlie subject of slavery ? lam willing 
to say we find it a great stumbling block, and pray then to consid- 
er how it may be removed. But for us to pass laws as to how the 
church shall be governed, and set up our standard of faith as the 
only true one, seems to me to be assuming what does not belong 
to us [ am surprised that my brethren in the church do not so 
regard it. It shows how the best judgments may be led aside 
when we get strongly interested in a subject. 

The question involved in these resolutions was as to the motives 
of professing Christians. I am unable to see how there can be a 
moral wrong without regard to motive. To talk of moral \vrong, 
aside from motive, cannot be good metaphysics, and unless we 
can show that the motive is wrong, what right have we to condemn 
the act ? I hope, therefore, that these resolutions may not pass, 
and though I may stand alone here, I am willing to have it known 
that I opposed them. Whether they are passed or not, I shall go 
home and continue to labor in the cause of Abolition. T shall go 
home to a church who meet monthly to pray for the success of the 
cause of emancipation. I will not desert the cause, because some 
of the proceedings here may, in my judgn)ent, have been indis- 
creet. The cause of Abolition is the cause of freedom. It is t.he 
only means by which slavery can be driven from our world ; and 
I sliall adhere to it, and daily pray to God that he will crown it 
with success. 

David Root — I think that these resolutions ought to pass, because 
1 believe they will do good. They will be likely to call forth dis- 
cussion, and discussion is what we want. It will prepare us for 
action, and open the way for the ultimate purification of the 
church from this great sin. 

It is said that the slaveholders in the church have not sufficient 
light on this subject, and that they do not find in the Bible a con- 
demnation of slavery as a sin ; but one single fact shows that slave- 
holders know that slavery is a sin, and is condemned by the Bible ; 
for they deprive their slaves of the Bible and dare not lot them 
read it. This is conclusive evidence that they know the Bible is 
opposed to slavery ; for if it supported slavery, what better means 
could be used to make the slave contented with his condition, than 
to give him the Bible which should teach him that slavery was an 
ordinance of God ? 



71 

it is said tliat we should leave the churches to act, but the 
churches have already acted on this subject. If we disapprove of 
that action, ought we not to say so ; or if we approve it, should we 
not say so ? We do not propose to legislate for the churches, but 
the churches having expressed their views on the subject of slave- 
ry, we also propose to show in what light the subject strikes us. I 
know it sounds like hard language, to call a wilful slaveholder a 
thief and robber, but this is not the language of our resolutions. 
They describe the sin of slaveholding, and it is the Bible which 
makes the application of thief and robber. Test slavery by the 
commandment, and we find it to be theft and robbery, so that it is 
not us, but the Bible that holds this hard language of the slave- 
holder. And can we do away with the Bible? Can we, with 
clean hands and pure hearts, sit down to the table of the Lord 
with men, bearing the name of Christ, who sell the souls of men 
for a price and make merchandize of their bodies? I cannot, and 
I think the time has come to take ground on the subject. The 
church must be purified of this great sin ; and where shall we be- 
gin, if not here ? 

Mr. Innes (residence unknown,) said he had frequently at- 
tended Anti-Slavery Conventions, and efforts had been made to 
bring this question up, but they had always refused to meet it, and 
some few persons by objecting, had given it the go-by. The 
churches were always brought up, as if the Anti-Slavery people 
were calculating upon pleasing the churches. They might judge 
how much they pleased the churches, when here in the city of 
Boston, there were but three that did not think their houses defiled 
by having abolitionists enter them. They turn us out of their 
houses, and then expect us when we come together, to consult tiicir 
approI)ation. In the church where he held a pew, the minister and 
deacon would say no, if he- wanted an Abolition meeting there. 
The churches almost all seemed to be kept for the benefit of slave- 
holders, or their apologists ; at any rate, they were under their 
control ; and what was the use of coming here, if we came only to 
please our opponents? We must do what we think is right, and 
not because it pleases or displeases any body. 

S. J. May. — My brother Lee has said, that bad as the church is, 
it is the light of the world, and the world, if saved, must be saved 
by the church. Sir, when I look at the condition of the church 
and see how bad it is, I am thankful that I do not have to believe 
that the church is the only salvation of the world. The world is 



not to be saved by the church, but by Christian truth, by the ?pirit 
of Christ, which alone can save the church, and which must and 
will purify it, or it never will be saved ; and if bodies of men call- 
ing themselves Christians, and associated together as the church 
of Christ, disregard the truth, and sanction an abomination in the 
church, it must be pointed out elsewhere, if it cannot be in the 
church itself; and all men who regard christian purity, and chris- 
tian consistency should cry shame upon the church in this thing. 
I ask if the slaveholder can point to a single precept of Christ 
which justifies him in holding his fellow man as property, and 
trampling on the soul of the slave, which was made for as high a 
destiny as his own ? Sir. the precepts and principles of Christ 
are every where against slavery ; and has the church a rigl>t to 
complain that we, or any other body of men, judge her by her 
works, by comparing hfr conduct with the principles of Jesus 
Christ ? And would he hold a slave ? Whereis there a man who 
dare say so, or even think so? Shall we hesitate then to say that 
Christians ought to act like Christians 1 for these resolutions say 
nothing more, in effect. 

Sir, we must not place too much reliance in the cliurcli, and let 
it go on in sin for fear of giving offence if we rebuke it. How 
often in the history of the church has it become awfully corrupt. 
Under the cloak of the gospel, the grossest vices have been prac- 
ticed. How long was it before the church moved on the subject 
of intemperance 1 how long were her ministers silent, while oth- 
ers were sounding the alarm, until at last it waked up the sleeping 
church? How often have ministers of the church joined in Tc- 
Deums of victory for battles gained with carnal weapons! The 
church, Sir, is awfully corrupt, and it cannot save the world until 
it is purified. I should reject the resolutions, if they dictated to 
the churches. In this matter [ act as an Abolitionist, and not as 
a member of any church. I know no sect in this cause. Sir, as 
an Anti-Slavery man, I am an Orthodox-Unitarian-Methodist- 
Baptist-Episcopalian ; and with no reference to sects, I pronounce 
the countenance of slavery an abomination, of which the church 
must be purified, or she can never purify the world. The gentle- 
man nristakes the object of the resolutions. We only say in them 
what we think, but do not dictate the churches. We can see no 
difference in the same sin, merely because it is called by different 
names. If slaveholding were regarded as it should be, it would 
1)6 viewed in the same light as the slave trade now is, and the 



73 

slaveholder would be as odious as the slave trader. Sir, as a 
Christian I would as soon be a slave trader as a slaveholder. I see 
no difference in principle. 

Oliver Johxson, of Peachani, Vt. said that there could not be 
a better test of tiie inconsistency of the church in countenancing 
slaveholding, than the opinions of slaveholders themselves. By 
their testimony, the church at the North, which professed not to 
be in favor of slavery, and yet fellowshipped slaveholders, was 
guilty of the grossest hypocrisy. A writer in the Columbia (Geor- 
gia) Sentinel, speaking of northern Abolitionists, says — 

' If they were honest in their professions, tliey would not acknowledge as brethren 
and friends, as associates in the same common faith, and common interest, cieigymen 
of their own denomination, who re.side at the Soiiih, and who Imy and sell slaves in 
the same manner as other Soullieriiers. Would these sanctified gentlemen, if hon- 
est in tiieir professions, and as fastidioi\s as they pretend about the ' crying evil' of 
slavery, countenance and support, aye, and acknowleilge as ' dear bretlu'cn,' those 
who own slaves I This act itself fairly exposes the ' cloven foot ' of priestcraft and 
hypocrisy,' &c. 

Such is the judgment pronounced by slaveholders themselves 
upon tlie conduct of those who profess to regard slavery as a sin, 
and yet fellowship those who live in the hourly perpetration of that 
sin. 

The ministers and churches at the South will themselves pro- 
nounce us inconsistent, if, while we brand slavery as a system of 
iniquity, we yet hold fellowship with them as Christians. True, 
they do not wish to have the churches at the North withdraw fel- 
lowship ; but they put their defence upon the ground that slavery 
is not a sin. They see that if it is a sin, consistency requires us 
to refuse to recognize them as Christians. What says the Rev. 
James Smylie, a Presbyterian minister and a slaveholder in Mis- 
sissippi ? In his letter to Gerrit Smith, he declares — 

' If slavery be a sin, and advertising and apprehending slaves with a view to restore 
them to their masters, is a direct violation of the Divine law; and \t the buying, 
selling or holding a slave for the sake of gain, is a heinous sin and scandal, then 
verily, three fourths of all the Episcopalians, Methodists, Baptists, and Pres- 
byterians, in eleven States of the Union, ARE OF 'I'HE DEN'IL. 'i'liey hold, if 
they do not buy and sell slaves, and, with few exceptions, they hesitate not to ' apr)re- 
hend and restore ' runaway slaves, when in their jiower.' 

Mr. Johnson said he held in his hand an advertisement of the 
effects of a southern Doctor of Divinity, an extract from which he 
would read, and which would show us the character of that Chris- 
tianity with which some persons were so fearful of breakincr fel- 
lowship It was as follows : 

' On the first .Monday of February next, will be sold at public auction befDrc the 
couii house, (he foUowmg property, belonging to the Catale of the late REV. DR. 
FUR. VI AN, viz: 

10 



74 

A plantation or tract of land on and in the Wateree swamp ***** a library of 
a miscellaneous character, chif.fly Tiieological — 27 Negroes, some of them very 
prime, two mides, one hurse and an old wagon. 

Jan. 17, 1835.' 

If that was Christianity, he wanted none of it. The sooner it 
was excluded from the church the belter. 

Samuel Lee here said that he had no doubt in his own mind, 
that a man could not hold a slave, with a knowledge of the sin- 
fulness of slavery, and be a Christian. 

George Trask of Warren, Mass. said he believed, that there was 
no member of the Convention opposed to the resolutions, but the 
brother who had just made a remark, which showed that his ob- 
jections were founded on the question of expediency and not of 
right and wrong. The question must come, and under all the 
circumstances, probably this was tlie most proper place to start it. 

The vote was then taken on adopting the resolutions, by rising. 
Three rose in the negative, the rest of the Convention in the af- 
firmative ; so the resolutions passed. 



MEETING IN PARK-STREET CHURCH— THIRD 

DAY. 

Thursday Mornin(;, June 1, 1837. 
The Convention met at 9 o'clock, this spacious church being 
filled by a very large assemblage of deeply attentive listeners. 
Prayer by Nathaniel Colver. 

SPEECH OF WILLIAM GOODELL. 

Mr. President: — Whenever, in the Providence of God, a peo- 
ple are called upon to decide the merits of an important and all- 
absorbing controversy — a controversy which involves moral ques- 
tions of tiie first order, and social interests of the greatest magni- 
tude, it becomes each and every individual to test the merits of that 
controversy by those universally admitted and fundamental princi- 
plrs by which all human actioiss should be governed, and which 
will forever remain the same, whether men regard their claims, and 
abide by them, or not. Such a controversy, sir, is the one which 
now agitates this whole nation, and toward the decision of which, 
every member of the body politic, whether he desires to do so or 
not, must, of necessity, contribute the weight of his own personal 
influence, either in the one scaleor in the other. It will be perceiv- 
ed, sir, that I speak of the controversy concerning the movements 
of abolitionists, and the operations of Anti-Slavery Associations. 

Abolitionism, sir, is either I'ight or wrong. It should be either 
advocated or condemned. And the question whether it be right or 
wrong, must depend upon the two previous questions — whether its 
principles are those of eternal truth and righteousness? and, wheth- 
er, in the prosecution of its measures, it adheres, with inflexible and 
uncompromising firmness and decision, to the line of conduct 
marked out and asct rtained hy those principles. My own inquir- 
ies, sir, on this subject, have resulted in the sentiment embodied in 
the following resolution, which I now submit to the consideration 
of this Convention : 

Resolved, Tliat llic principles of abolitionists are nothing ilisliiu-t from those fini.la- 
niontal axioms of natural justice, moral trutii, and chaui^eless right, uhirli commend 
themselves to the consciences of all incn, and are included in the professed religious 
principles of all Christian sects : — that anti-slavery measures, considered in the 



76 

light of existing and well known facts, are nothing more nor less than the consistent 
advocacy and practice of those prii\ciples ; — and hence, the present controversy re- 
solves iiself, mainly, into a contest between j-rikciples, on the one liand, ancl, no 
princi|)les on the other. 

Every science, Mr. President, has its axioms — its fundamental 
first principles, to which, in all its variety of illustration, in all its 
extent of inquiry and application, it unceasingly refers. Aboli- 
tionism is the science of Human Rights. It treats of the correl- 
lative rights and duties of human beings in their relations with 
each other. Its principles, therefore, must be such as are adapted 
to the nature, tlie capabilities, and the responsibilities of human 
beings. 

1. Its Metaphysics. Abolitionism has its principles of men- 
tal philosophy— ^its system of metaphysics. It ' deems, reputes 
and adjudges ' man, framed in the image of his Maker, and ' a little 
lower than the angels,' to be an intellectual, a moral, and an ac- 
countable being — a free agent, capable of choosing and refusing, 
and of being governed by motives of action, addressed to his con- 
science and his understanding. It deems him to be a being who 
holds rightful ' dominion over the beasts of the field, the fowls of 
llie air, and the fishes of tlie sea.' It, consequently, does ??o^ deem 
him to be himself, a beast, or consider it possible, that, under any 
conceivable circumstances, he can rightfully be considered and 
treated as such — or innocently ' deemed, taken, reputed, and ad- 
judged to be a chattel personal, in the hands of his possessors, 
their heirs, executors, administrators, and assigns, to all intents, 
constructions, and purposes, whatsoever.' It equally discards those 
theories of ' political economy,' so called, in which one portion of 
mankind are considered and treated as mere human machines and 
implements of money making, and gain, in the hands of their 
fellows. 

2. Its Moral Philosophy'. Abolitionism is founded upon the 
assumption that there is a right and a wrong in the actions of 
moral beings ; that something more than mere advantage and dis- 
advantage is to be predicated of human conduct; that moral ac- 
tion is the proper subject of^}?«/5c or o^ blame : that practices 
which cannot be approved should be condemned : and that the actor 
is responsible for the action. It uncercmoneously discards the the- 
ory, that utility is virtue, and that gain is godliness: — that 
expediency is the measure of duty ; and that morality may be 
resolved into an estimate of consequences. It measures not the 
turpitude of crime, by the losses it occasions, or the amount of 



77 

pain it inflicts. Tt stops not to nsk ' whatpro^^ shall we have if 
we' do that which is right, hofore it docifles in favor of rectitude. 
It is a philosophy which ' recklessly' places a light value upon the 
wisdom of ancient iieathenism, and the discoveries of modern skep- 
ticism. It neither offers 'sacrifices to the ' utility of the profitable 
' net,' nor * burns incense to the ' productive ' drag,' nor bows down 
in adoration to the invigorating and light giving sun ; nor pourg 
out oblations to the Queen of heaven: nor adds to the list of its 
divinities the useful ox, or the onion of Egypt! With equal ' fa- 
naticism,' it rejects as an absurdity the moral scheme of Hume 
and Hobbs, which places as high an estimate upon the virtue of 
the well adapted but unconscious instrument, as it does upon the 
benevolent intelligence that wields it — which awards a higher valu- 
ation to MseM falsehood, than it does to inconvenient sincerity ; and 
exalts the successful robber to a proud moral eminence above the 
poor man whose over scrupulous and ' fanatical ' honesty has kept 
him from amassing wealth ! 

3. Its Theology. Abolitionism recognizes a Supreme l.\w- 
GivER. It teaches that human beings should be governed by the 
laws of their Creator — not by their own short-sighted estimates of 
expediency, utility, or profit. Not by their own impulses of ca- 
price, or habits of thinking, or education, or emotions of prefer- 
ence, or pleasure. It insists that every human being is bound to 
have no other gods before his Maker, and may not, under any pos- 
sible circumstances, set himself up. in the place of a god, over his 
fellow-creatures, requiring them to be ' entirely subject to the will 
of [an earthly] master, to whom they belong.' 

4. Its Ethics, is ' like unto ' its Theology. Its first principle is, 
'Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself — ' Whatsoever ye would 
that men should do unto you, do ye also so unto them, for this is 
the law and the prophets.' It permits no man to be a slaveholder, 
until he can place his own soul in his brother's stead, and call 
heaven to witness that he is willing to be made a slave himself. 

5. Its standard of Character. * By their fruits shall ye 
know them. If a man love not his brother whom he hath seen, 
how shall he love God, whom he hath not seen? If a man say, I 
love God, and hateth his brother, he is a liar, and the truth is not 
in him.' 

6. Of human Equality. Abolitionism teaches that God has 
' made of one blood all nations ' — that he has ' created them equal' 
— that he has given them all the same law, and will bring them all 



78 

to the same judgment, and judge them by the same standard — a 
standard which requires that every individual should regard the 
well being of every other individual to be of equal value with his 
own. 

7. Of Human Rights. Abolitionism maintains that man has 
a rightful claim to be always treated as he is, and never treated as 
he is not : a right to demand that his fellow creatures shall always 
give him the same rank in the scale of being, that God, his Crea- 
tor, always gives him. It niaintains that place to be ' a little lower 
than the angels,' and not on a precise level with ' four-footed beasts 
and creeping things.' It claims for him the right God gave him 
to hold property in the ' beasts of the field, the fowls of the air, 
and the fishes of the sea,' and consequently the right of being ex- 
empted from being held as a beast, or reduced to an article of prop- 
erty himself. It claims for man, as man, unconvicted of crime, 
the right to himself, to his own energies, to the avails of his own 
labor : it claims for man ' certain inalienable rights, among which 
are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.' 

8. Of Law. Abolitionism has its principles of ' common law.' 
These are to be found in the opinions of Coke, of Fortescue, of 
Noyes, of Blackstone, and of Mansfield. Among them will be 
found sentiments like the following : The law favors liberty. Man's 
laws are inferior to God's laws, and the inferior must give place to 
the superior. Slavery is a violation of natural justice, ».\r,c. &c. 

Such, sir, are some of \.\\ejirst principles of abolitionists, which 
they have set forth, directly and indirectly, from time to time, in 
their so called ' incendiary publications,' their periodicals, their 
treatises, their tracts, their lectures, and their Conventional Dec- 
larations. Who will undertake to deny that these principles are 
fundamentally and unchangeably true ? Who that bears the name 
of a Christian, nay, who that wishes to be regarded as an honest 
man, does not claim these principles as his own ? Who does not 
know that the opposers of abolitionists have, at the North, almost 
every where, laid claim to the principles of abolitionists as identi- 
cal with their own? Where, then, shall ue look for the distinctive 
difference between abolitionists and those who are found in hostile 
array against them? 

Abolitionists are so ' fanatical ' as to take it for granted that 
moral principles are valuable, and may be justly claimed as our 
own, in exact proportion as they are carried out by us, into a con- 
sistent and persevering course of practice. In order to make a 



79 

proper application of their PRINCIPLES, they inquire after THE 
FACTS of real life, by wliicii they are themselves surrounded. 
They have supposed the treatment and condition of human beings 
in their own country, to be among the proper objects of their in- 
quiry and exertion. They have iieard of such a thing as Ameri- 
can Slavery. In their inquiries concerning the facts of this system 
they have not considered it either requisite or satisfactory to insti- 
tute an examination of the facts of different countries and remote 
periods of antiquity. They have not sought for ihae facts in the 
conceptions of a kind of servitude that may lie in the brain of 
some plodding theorist, as being among ihe possibles of human ac- 
tion. The slavery to which they have directed their attention is 
the slavery existing now in America — not the slavery that may be 
manufactured in the closet, or deciphered among the hyeroglyph- 
ics of the ancients. In order to learn the facts of American Sla- 
very, abolitionists take up the statute books, and the reported judi- 
cial decisions of the American slave States. They turn over the 
southern newspapers, and read the business advertisements, and 
argumentative disquisitions of the slaveholders. They consult the 
history of their country, and trace the origin and progress and op- 
erations and results of the system. And, looking as they do, at 
the slave system of the South through this medium of vision, and 
in the light of their principles, abolitionists have arrived at discov- 
eries and conclusions like the following. 

1. They find the claim of the slave master to have been deriv- 
ed, in an unbroken chain, from the claim of the African slaver! 
The African slave trade, they find branded by the laws of their 
own country and other Christian nations, as piracy. They consid- 
er these laws just and well founded. T^he'xx principles impel them 
to this conclusion. 

2. They adjudge a possession of human beings, thus derived, 
to be an unlawful and unrighteous possession. They know it to 
be a possession forcibly held without the consent, and contrary to 
the wishes of the rightful owner. Such a possession their Bibles 
and Lexicons have taught them to denominate theft — robbery — 
man-stealing. They believe that ' he that stealeth a man, or if he 
be found in his hand,' is the very man that the Scriptures mean to 
designate as being guilty of the crime of man-stealing. They 
know of no other description of persons to whom the epithet can 
be rightfully applied. 'V\\e\r principles fix the epithet upon the 
.slaveholder. 



so 

3. They perceive that this practice of man-stealing is trans- 
mitted from one generation to another. This ' inheritance ' tliey 
consider as a crime in those wlio receive it, and therehy ' fill up the 
measure of the iniquity of their fathers,' and approve and sanction 
and imitate their deeds, notwithstanding the superior light they en- 
joy. It is in accordance with their principles, that 

4. They discover in the slavery of America, the principle which 
holds the image of God, and the purchase of the Redeemer, to be 
'goods and chattels personal — to all intents, constructions and pur- 
poses whatsoever.' They see in this principle the murder of the 
immortal soul ; far more malignant than the murder of the body. 
They see in it the elements of the most daring blasphemy, and 
polluting sacrilege. With the principles of abolitionists, what 
other estimate can be made of such transactions 1 

5. They perceive that the chattel principle includes the claim 
of unlimited subjection, which holds the slave ' entirely subject to 
the will of the master to whom he belongs.' The principles of 
abolitionists impel them to characterize this feature of the system 
as an invasion of the divine prerogative — an unblushing usur- 
pation of the throne of Him who rightfully claims that every indi- 
vidual of our species should be entirely subject to His will, to 
whom we all equally, and rightfully belong. 

6. They cannot fail to see that such a system divests its victims 
of all their religious rights — that it contradicts, in respect to all of 
them, the authority of conscience — renders the Bible obselete — 
and nullifies every divine command. As a matter of fact, they as- 
certain that American Slavery does all this : that it places all the 
religious privileges of the slave in the keeping of the master, and 
denies bis right to demur at any of his commands: Nay, more : 
that it restricts even the master himself from conferring the most 
desirable privilfges ; that it punishes the unrestrained and free 
practice of public and social religious worship with stripes — that it 
withholds the scriptures of truth : that it prohibits the use of let- 
ters, and discourages and prevents the improvement of the immor- 
tal mind. Such a system, X\\e principles of abolitionists condemn, 
as a system of persecution, forced heathenism and barbarism, of 
ignorance and vice. 

7. They find the system., of necessity, to include the enforce- 
ment of invohint;irv labor, n|)Oti pirsons unconvicted of criii.e, lor 
individual Ijemlii, wiiliont uages: the ' usiiig ot a jicighbur's .ser- 
vice without wages, and giving him not for his work.' Against 



81 

such a system, the prhiciplcs of abolitionists impel them to protest, 
as against a system of continual theft, and * robbery of the poor.' 

8. They find it a system which annihilates the family state, for- 
bids marriage, puts asunder those whom God hath joined together, 
forbids the child to honor the parent, and the parent to instruct and 
govern the child, and severs the mother from the babe, and the 
wife from the husband, as the vicissitudes incident to the condition 
of' chattels personal ' are found to sever from each other the beasts 
in the market. Such a system, their principles oblige them to re- 
gard as a system of forced concubinage, impurity, licentiousness, 
barbarity, cruelty, and crime. 

9. They find it to be a system which annihilates all the rights 
of its victims, and leaves them no adequate protection from caprice, 
and violation, and outrage. Such facts, </tc ^riMcip/cs of abolition- 
ists recognize as furnishing evidences of the annihilation of law — - 
the reign of anarchy — the prostration of civil government and so- 
cial order. 

In each and every one of these constituent features of the slave 
system, abolitionists discover evil — only evil — and that continually. 
Every item of the inventory, th'ey set down as belonging to the cat- 
alogue of flagiant sins. And, sir, according to the moral mathe- 
matics of abolitionists, the tohole is grenter than its parts, and the 
aggregate of numerous crimes comprises a greater amount of guilt, 
than either of the integral ingredients of which it is composed. 
As in slaveholding, abolitionists have discovered the sins of man- 
stealing, piracy, soul-murder, sacrilege, blasphemy, usurpation, 
persecution, heathenism, theft, robbery, concubinage, anarchy, 
lawlessness, with the abrogation of the first, and fifth, and seventh 
commandments of the decalogue, it follows, according to the arith- 
metic of abolitionism, that the practice of slaveholding is 7fiore ex- 
ceedingly sinful than cither of the preceding enormities, standing 
alone by itself. Abolitionists have not learned the process by which 
a continued multiplication of acknowledged wrongs, can result in 
the product of a chartered and sacred right! Their principles 
give them no clue to the alchymy by which the aggregate of the 
foulest^ crimes denounced upon the sacred page can be trans- 
muted into a patriarchal and Bible institution. 

Remedy of Slavery. The remedy proposed by abolitionists, is 
suggested by \\ie\r principles. It accords with their estimate of the 
malady to be removed. That malady is sin. What can the rem- 
edy be ? What but confession? repentance? reformation? works 
11 



82 

meet for repentance? God commandeth that all men every where 
should repent. 

When ? ' Now is the accepted time, and now is the day of sal- 
vation.* 'To-day, after so long a time, if ye will hear his voice, 
harden not your hearts.' 

But will it be safe ? prudent ? expedient ? The principles of 
abolitionism suggest the answers they respond to such inquiries. 
Will it be safe to do right ? Will it be prudent to obey God ? Will 
it be dangerous to treat man as he is, rather than treat him as he is 
not? Is it expedient to permit men to search the scriptures? 
Would anarchy ensue from the re-establisliment of law, and the 
protection of outlaws ? Will insurrection result from paying the 
hire of the laborer ? Will a laboring community become beasts of 
prey, because suffered to live together in tlse family condition 1 
Will the slave mother cut the throat of the slave master, because 
he relinquishes the claim of tearing from her the babe of her af- 
fections ? Will the thrift of southern agriculture languish, if the 
present system should be exchanged for the payment of fair wag^s? 
All these, and fifty other interrogations, equally grave, and philo- 
sophic, and perplexing, abolitionism readily solves, by a reference 
to its own standard of fixed ^nncjpZes, and in the light of the ample 
experiments so minutely recorded and so authentically attested, on 
the ' fanatical and incendiary' pages she spreads out to the world. 

Such, sir, is a condensed summary of the doctrines of abolition- 
ists, in their practical form, as applied to the phenomena of Amer- 
ican slaveholding. And here, sir, again let me ask, by whom will 
the FACTS of abolitionism be contradicted ? By whom will its 
DOCTRINES be disowned or confuted? Our opponents repeat 
their solemn asseverations, that they are as much opposed to slave- 
ry as ourselves! They taunt us with the folly of organizing asso- 
ciations, and sending forth papers, and pamphlets, and lecturers, to 
tell the community what all the community were familiarly ac- 
quainted with before ! The staleness of our facts, is the song and 
the by-word of the opposition ! Why, say they, do you not tell us 
something new ? And again they affirm it to be a libel upon New- 
England, and upon the entire North, that we should laboriously 
send out the proclamation of our anti-slavery principles, in a man- 
ner which might seem to imply that they are not, and have not al- 
ways been, the principles cherished and understood by the entire 
North. From every forum — from every press — from every street- 
corner, and from every fire-side, the universal response to anti-sla- 



83 

very exhortation goes up, in one long and loud and unbroken peal 
— ' We recognize your PRINCIPLES, but deprecate your MEAS- 
URES ? ' 

Our Measures ! What are they? And how can they be sep- 
arated from our principles ? Sir, I venture to affirm that anti- 
slavery measures are nothing more nor less than the practice of anti- 
slavery pr/rtf//^/ts. And I affirm that our measures cannot be dis- 
carded — no, nor neglected, nor unsupported — without an utter dere- 
liction of those principles. 

Our measures — what are they? For the most part, the publi- 
cation of our principles — the dissemination of our doctrines ! 
This it is, emphatically, that is called imprudent, and inflammatory, 
and insurrectionary, and treasonable, and incendiary. For this, 
the mails are rifled ! For this, our peaceful citizens are outraged. 
To /)reue?j< the dissemination of our principles, the pulpits are 
closed against our lecturers, and the houses built by the people are 
closed against themselves ! To shut out our principles, the gag 
law of the seminary is .enforced — the ecclesiastical anathema is 
put forth. For the same purpose, the aristocratic mob is collected 
— the threat of disunion is belched out — the southern demand is 
made, ' death without benefit of clergy,' to the promulgators of our 
principles — nay, more ; the northern threat of a compliance with 
those demands ! Our most obnoxious ' measure,' is the proclama- 
tion of our ' principles.' And it is chiefly against this very meas- 
ure, that the wavering and double minded exclaim, when they say, 
• we agree with your j^i'incipics, but deprecate your measures ' ! 

Our measures! Wliat are they ? The diffusion of light — the 
inculcation of truth — the 5«/He truth that is claimed to be \\\e puh- 
lic creed, and the faith of our opponents themselves ! Our meas- 
ures — what are they ? To bear testimony against sin — to plead 
the cause of the oppressed — to open our mouths for the dumb — to 
wash our own hands from blood guiltiness, and touch not the un- 
elean thing — to purify the churches of Christ — to reform the abus- 
es of the State — to change the public sentiment — to diff'usc correct 
information — to say that sin is exceeding sinful — to call theft and 
robbery by their own appropriate and Bible names. 

Our measures ! In what manner are they prosecuted ? By what 
instruments are they carried forward ? By the pulpit — by the press 
— by the living agent — by the action of the churches — by the con- 
stitutional use of our influence, as citizens, to procure a correct 
legislation — by petitions to Congress, and the Legislatures of the 



84 

several States — in a word, by means similar to those by which the 
Temperance Reformation, and all similar enterprises have been 
carried on; by the same means so perseveringly employed, in the 
midst of opposition, by the friends of human nature in Great Brit- 
ain, and so gloriously resulting in the abolition — first, of the for- 
eign slave-trade, and next, of the slave system of the British West 
India Islands. 

These, sir, are our measures. And who does not perceive that 
they necessarily result from our principles 1 No man has ever un- 
dertaken the task of showing that there is any manner of discrep- 
ancy between them. No man has ever undertaken to show the 
possibility of adhering to our principles, without a prosecution of 
our measures. On the contrary, every modification of our meas- 
ures that has ever yet been proposed to us, directly involves the 
proposal that we shall give up some of our principles, by acting 
contrary to their plain dictates. Abolitionists, in this manner, are 
unceasingly solicited to abjure and abandon their moral and re- 
ligious principles, whenever they are asked to abandon their meas- 
ures, on account of the supposed consequences of their prosecution ! 

And they are solicited to do this, not because their principles are 
not true ! Oh, no ! The objector claims those principles as his 
own : and no man, with the least particle of moral discernment, 
would venture to disgrace himself before a discriminating and vir- 
tuous community, by contradicting or disowning them. Upon what 
foundation then, are the appeals founded which so incessantly as- 
sail us, from high places and from low — from statesmen and divines 
— from politicians and merchants — from the guardians of the 
churches — from the conservators of the public peace? Why? 
With scarce a solitary exception, the appeal is founded upon the 
alleged disasters, and losses, and sacrijices, and obloquy, and re- 
proach, and opposition, and persecution, and loss o( reputation and 
injluence, which we ourselves, or our associates or fellow-citizens 
must suffer, it is predicted, if we persist in pressing upon the atten- 
tion of the public, thftse great and fundamental first principles 
which our opponents agree with us in regarding as immutable and 
true, and righteous, as the throne and the attributes of the Omnip- 
otent and Holy One ! Our principles are correct, say tliey : they 
are the principles of the entire North. But if you urge them upon 
the attention of the nation, the Union will be dissolved ! If you 
introduce them among the disciples of the Saviour, their harmony 
will be disturbed, and the churches rent asunder. They are the 



85 

principles of the people. But if tlie people should listen to their 
promulgation, dire anarchy would ensue. The houses of worship 
and the Iialls of discussion must be closed. The press. must be 
muzzled, lest the government should be overturned by unfolding 
the principles upon which it is founded — the churches ruined by 
the dissemination of Bible doctrines — the people goaded to mad- 
ness by tiie advocacy of their own sentiments, and ruined by th.e 
ascendency of the everlasting principles of truth, liberty, and right- 
eousness ! 

The wisest men of Europe, sir, have been puzzled with these 
American paradoxes. Our subject furnishes a solution of them. 
When it is said that the principles advocated by abolitionists are 
already the principles of the entire North, the plain meaning is, 
that the entire North understands perfectly well, that those princi- 
ples are self-evidently true and correct. And this is undoubtedly 
the fact. And when it is said that their promulgation will disturb 
the church, convulse the community, and dismember the republic, 
the plain meaning is, that rather than practice the principles of 
Icnoicn and acknowlcclgecl righteousness, the church, the communi- 
ty, and the nation will prefer to be distracted, convulsed, overturn- 
ed, and destroyed. 

Again, sir, when the high dignitaries of the church and of the 
state, assure us that our principles are their own, and yet urge us 
to relinquish the measures by which we are asserting those princi- 
ples, and carrying them out into consistent practice, for fear that 
unpleasant or disastrous consequences may ensue; what are they 
doing ? What, but playing the part of the Arch Tempter of men, 
whose vocation it is to set forth the bad consequences of doincr 
right, and the advantages of swerving, in some parti^^ular instances, 
from the line of unbending rectitude and truth ? For what do we 
petition our Father in Heaven, when we say — 'Lead us not into 
temptation ?' What is a temptation to sin, if it be not the exhibi- 
tion of some danger, or loss, or sacrifice, on the one hand, or the 
presentation of some advantage, or gain, or security, or case on the 
other, which might incline us to relinquish the course of action mark- 
ed out bv our own acknowledged and divinely attested principles? 

Are these things so ? Most unquestionably they are. And 
hence I affirm, in the language of the resolution I oflfer, that ' the 
present controversy between abolitionists and their opponents, re- 
solves itself, mainly, into a contest between principle on the one 
hand, and no pkinciple on the other.' I know, sir, it may seem 



86 

harsh and uncharitable to say it. But, sir, the times demand un- 
palatable truths. And out of their own mouths do I take my esti- 
mate of the opposers of this cause, when 1 affirm, that the opposi- 
tion they exhibit is distinguished by all the appropriate character- 
istics of an UNPRINCIPLED OPPOSITION ! Why, sir, what is it to be 
unprincipled ? What can it be, if it be not for the sake of suppos- 
ed advantages to be secured, or, through fear of the consequences 
of adhering to the right and the true — to deliberately lay aside the 
course of action marked out by our own professed principles — the 
principles of eternal righteousness and truth? 

Our subject administers a salutary remonstrance and caution to 
those wise and prudent ones who choose to linger, as they suppose, 
upon the doubtful confines of right and wrong. Of all such, let 
me inquire — How long halt ye between two opinions? If the 
Lord be God, serve him : — but if Baal, and Moloch, and Mam- 
moni, serve them! If the principles of Abolitionism, as the great- 
er portion of you acknowledge, be the principles of everlasting 
righteousness and truth, take care that you truly appropriate those 
principles to yourselves, by acting according to their plain and 
self-evident dictates. 

To OPPOSERS of Anti-Slavery effort, the considerations to which 
we have attended, address a solemn and serious warning. Where 
are you standing ? The great mass of you — including almost eve- 
ry man of intelligence among you, — admit the principles of Abo- 
litionists to be correct ! For the most part, you claim them as 
your own ! What an overwhelming admission ! What a self-an- 
nihilating chim ! These principles you acknowledge to be true. 
You admit the divinity of their origin. You recognize the sacred- 
ness of their claims. You know they will stand when the founda- 
tions of the earth are shaken, and blaze in living light when the 
stars shall fade and go out. And yet, you have deliberately set 
yourselves against the propagation of those same principles ! You 
will neither practice them yourselves^ nor cease to abuse and vilify 
and oppose and counteract the men that do practice them ! Against 
whom, then, do ye sport yourselves? and at whom do ye shoot out 
the tongue? O how can you expect to escape defeat, and punish- 
ment, and overthrow ? You tell us of the consequences ! Will 
you not look at consequences yourselves? Are you wiser or 
stronger than that Being who has made these principles the pillars 
of his throne ? No principles in the natural or moral world are 
more changeless or abiding. The principles of gravitation and at- 



87 

traction may, one day, become obsolete : the principles of Aboli' 
tionism, never ! What lunacy or madness can equal the neglect 
or practical dereliction of these principles ? 

The friends of human rights should be encouraged to perse- 
vere and redouble their efforts. They stand upon the firm and 
sure basis of self-evident and unalterable principle. They occupy 
the very foundation upon which the entire superstructure of the 
moral universe itself has been founded. Heaven and earth shall 
pass away, but the declarations of eternal truth shall not pass 
away. All they have to do is to adhere steadfastly to those princi- 
ples, and their ultimate triumph is as certain as it is that the Lord 
of Hosts himself shall triumph over the powers of darkness and o( 
sin. All they have need to fear, either (or themselves or for the 
cause they advocate, is a DEPARTURE from that course of AC- 
TION which is pointed out by their PRINCIPLES. 

' His hand, llie good ninn fastens on the skies. 
And bids eaith roll, nor lieeds her idle wiiirl.' 

The everlasting principles of truth and righteousness, together 
with the promises and the prophecies which are founded upon them, 
— in other words — the pledge of God himself to maintain and vin- 
dicate those principles — these arc the portals of heaven upon 
which the hand of the good man fastens: and it is only by an ac- 
tive and living faith, productive of corresponding works, that he 
grasps, as with hooks of steel, the object of Ins expectations and 
his prayers. The principles of Christian Abolitionism without 
{\\e\r measures ! Wilt thou not know, O vain man, that faith, 
without works, is dead, being alone? 

In the faithful practice of these principles. Abolitionists have 
nothing to fear. The Lord of Hosts is with them ! The God of 
Jacob is their refuge ! Lift up your eyes, and ' behold what des- 
olations He hath made in the earth,' in the support of these prin- 
ciples ! He drowned the old world, because it was filled with 
violence. He overthrew Pharoah and his hosts in the Red Sea, 
because they violated these principles. He led Moses and Aaron, 
with their armies, through the midst of the Sea as on dry land, 
and never disappointed or forsook them, as long as their practical 
measures corresponded with their professed principles. The same 
Almighty and unchanging Being lives and reigns still. And still 
He proclaims himself the God of the oppressed : the avenger of 
the poor ! The heathen may rage ; the Kingdoms may be moved ; 
but he utters his voice and the earth melts. If the South threat- 



88 

ens to swallow up his faithful witnesses, he can send blight and 
bankruptcy to the South. If the North rises up against him, he 
can humble and subdue the North. He breaketh the bow : He 
cutteth the spear in sunder : He burnetii the chariot in the fire. 
Let us look upward and march onward. And while we labor and 
pray that our beloved country may escape destruction by her time- 
ly repentance and reformation, let us be prepared to stand firm 
amid the confusion and wreck, and wild disorder that must speed- 
ily sweep over the land, unless the speedy repentance and refor- 
mation of the nation should prevent. And whether mercy or 
judgment predominates, the advocates of the truth may be assured 
that their principles will be maintained, and prove the sure support 
and defence of all who abide under their shadow. 

SPEECH OF NATHANIEL COLTER. 

Nathaniel Colver submitted the following resolution : 

Resi>lve(], That Norlheni interference with tiie subject of shivery is an imperious 
duty, from which none can escape, without incurring personal guilt. 

Mr. Colver said, that accustomed as he was to speak in his 
plain way in the country, he felt a shrinking in addressing an au- 
dience so numerous and so intelligent as that with which he was 
now surrounded. I feel the more embarrassed from the fact, that 
those who are opposed to the views of Abolitionists, require us to 
be perfect in all we say or do. A Colonizationist or a pro-slavery 
man may say any thing he pleases, and if it is wrong, it passes for 
a mistake, and nothing is thought of it. It seems that nothing 
better is expected of them ; but if an Abolitionist says any thing 
wrong, it is like a spot on the sun, and is made to stand out prom- 
inent, and we never hear the last of it. 

I know. Sir, tiiat in supporting this resolution, I put the plough 
under the root, and the plough or the root must break. The pro- 
position is, that it is the duty of northern men to do all in their 
power to bring about the abolition of slavery, by the use of moral 
and religious means; and that the use of these means cannot be 
neglected without incurring guilt. 

Let us look at this. Slavery is a sin, and if it be a sin, it is a 
national sin, affecting our whole national character, and therefore 
attaching, more or less, to every citizen. It is then our sin, every 
man's sin, and no man has a right to shrink from handling his own 
sin. Men do not get rid of guilt in this matter so easy as they 
imagine. Eighteen hundred years ago, a certain Judge thought 



89 

that if he waslied his hands in a bowl of water and refused to in- 
terpose between criiilt and innocence, lie sliould be free from the 
stain of blood. But we do not read that this was acconnled any 
expiation of his sin ; the guilt of blood resied upon him ; i.nd who 
that has read the history ol tiiat deed, has not condemned Pilate for 
his time serving pusilluniinily in releasing the guilty and sentenc- 
ing the innocent to an ignominious death. 

The sin of slavery is not tnerely that it puts the lash upon the 
slave. 'I'he lash may be used where there is no slavery. The sin 
of slavery is not the rending of ties asunder. That too may be 
found in communities where there are no slaves. It is not hard 
work, and scanty fare. That evil exists even here, and yet there 
is no slavery. AH these are but the little rills which flow out of 
the great fountain of slavery. The great guilt of slavery is, that 
it reduces man, immortal man, to the condition of a thing. That 
is slavery. It is not servitude merely. Servitude exists every 
where, and may be voluntary. The sin of slavery consists in the 
violence done to our common nature and immortal destiny, by 
making man property, taking away all moral power and moral re- 
sponsibility, and seveVing him, as it were, from his relation to God, 
as an accountable, moral being. The slaveholder assumes the 
prerogative of God over the slave, and substitutes accountability 
to him for moral responsibility to God. 

Ask the slaveholder who has a conscience, w'-.y he don't liberate 
his slaves ; and he will tell you that it is necessity, growing out of 
public opinion, which restrains him. Public opinion tolerates sla- 
very, and public opinion enacts the laws which bind the slave. 
N ),v w.io -nakes this public opinion? Everyman, woman and 
iliild in the co'iimunity. It is the public opinion of this whole nation 
which sustains slavery, and witliout wliich it could not exist a day. 
Need 1 ar^ue, tiieii, to show that the North as well as ihe South, 
is guilty of the sin of slavery '? The District ot Columbia is yours 
as much as the South's, and we are as guilty as the South, while 
slavery exists by our own laws, enacted by the Representatives of 
the non-slaveholding States, who have long held a majority in 
Congress. The South are aware of this. They know that we are 
partners with them in the guilt, and they don't want to release us. 
They kno'.v that if slavery was abolislu'd in t!ie District of Colum- 
bia, th>^. wti )lt^ f!')ri;i of si iv(-ry w>uld be slnk^Mi : tii"y could no 
longer ch irge us with particip ulon in the wrong, and therefore the 
cry is to let slavery alone in the District of Columbia. 
12 



90 

We are guilty in helping the South to retain their slaves. The 
soldiers of the United States, paid by the North as well as the 
South, are employed in southern cities to keep down the slaves. 
But the reply is, that there is a national compact that we will not 
interfere with slavery, and therefore we cannot touch it. What an 
■argument is this, in a free country , that the Constitution which 
secures to us freedom., does it only on the condition that we shall 
do nothing to abolish slavery ! Now if there is any such compact, 
it is either our compact or it is not. If it is our compact, it is 
morally wrong, and we are verily guilty of the sin of slavery. If 
it is no bargain of ours, then we have nothing to do-with it. But 
there is a compact in the Constitution, as it has beeti heretofore in- 
terpreted, which makes the North partner with the South, in the 
crime of slavery. When the slave escapes from his master our 
compact is to act the part of the slave catcher, in returning him to 
the tyrant from whom he has fled, to deny him the right of all 
God's human creatures to breathe the air of freedom ; to thrust 
him back into the jaws of the destroyer. This makes slavery our 
business, for we agree to establish our Courts of law to protect 
property in man as they do property in a horse. Now, Sir, is not 
this my business? If my father has made a bargain which ijiiids 
me to do a moral wrong, to help enslave a fellow being, to violate 
the command of God, which tells me to do unto others as I would 
that others should do unto me, I should like to know if it is none 
of my business, none of my sin, if I am called on to fulfil that 
bargain by the man to whom my father, who had not the light I 
have, made it? I should like to know -if I cannot reason and talk 
about it, and try to get rid of it by all fair means, admitting that 
I am bound by it, which I leave out of the question ? Now, Sir, 
this compact or bargain to recognize slavery at the North, and 
send back the slave to his master, makes slavery the business of 
the North, the sin of the North, and in meddling with it, I meddle 
with my own business, with my own sin ; and it will be in vain for 
the men of the North, Pilate-like, to stand up and say thfey wash 
their hands of it. 

Is there nothing in the claims of humanity upon the men of the 
North? The weak, the oppressed, the abused, have a claim upon 
the strong, and where do we find the principle upon which the 
slave is debarred from that claim ? Do we not shun men who are 
deaf to the cries of distress? 1 read an account the other day of 
a man who put off in a little boat, among the floating fragments 



91 

and drowning bodies in tlie river Ohio, when a steam boat was 
burnt, and so many lives destroyed. He was after plunder, and 
when a drowniiiij fellow beiiisj came floatino- by and bpjjiied for 
hel|), what answer did he make ? Just the answer which tlie peo- 
ple of Boston give to the poor perishing slave — ' be patient, and 
you will do well enough.' He went on filling his boat with plun- 
der, and the sinking man went down. His plea no doubt was, it 
was none of his business. He didn't put the man in the river, 
and why should he sacrifice his interest to help get him out? Just 
so the men of the North talk and act in regard to slavery. 

Now what do you think o( the man in the boat? Would you 
like that man for a neighbor ? Would you trust any thing to him? 
No : there is something daik and repelling in that spirit. You re- 
volt at the wretch who refuses to give a helping hand to the help- 
less and distressed. Well, then, here are two and a half millions 
of helpless slaves. When injustice assails the child here, he flies 
to his parent, when the man is injured he appeals to the laws, but 
in nearly half of this Union, there are millions of beings, subject 
to all kinds of injury and without any kind of redress. They are 
emphatically dumb, for they cannot open their mouths for them- 
selves. 

Why, Sir, we often hear it brought up as an argument, that we 
need not trouble ourselves about the slaves, for the slaves don't 
complain. Don't they ? Why don't they? Why, Sir, the ques- 
tion has somehow got before Congress lately, your servants and 
mine, whether slaves had a right to complain, and I grieve to say 
that my country answered — NO. The slaves don't complain? 
and why don't they ? Tf they complain to their masters, the an- 
swer is the lash, if they complain to the North the answer is, we 
must not meddle with slavery — it is none of our business; and if 
they complain to Congress, that body passes a resolve that they 
have no right to complain at all ! Sir, when I reflect on the in- 
justice of my country to the poor slave, T feel like a child, and I 
love to feel so when humanity suffers. What says God ? He who 
stops his ears at the cry of the needy, God shall not hear his 
prayer. Here is the cry of the needy, of suffering millions, and 
to disregard it is sin and guilt in the sight of God. 

But what do those do who tell us to let slavery alone ? Do they 
let it alone themselves ? Are they not constantly excusing the 
slaveholder, and even when they do let it alone, don't they do it 
in a way which showa by their very silence, that they mean to 



92 

pass it over as if it were no sin ? When I benr a niinipter praying 
for the [loor Burmans, sending out bis soul after tiie Hottentots, tlie 
Cliinese, and the savages of the uttermost i^<les of the sea, until he 
comes home as if weary and tired, seeking for something else that 
wants praying for, hut not a word for the negro, not an allusion to 
the two millions and a half of heathen slaves in his own land, al- 
most Ht iiis very door ; what am 1 to think of that man ? Don't 
tell me he fDrgets slavery and the slaves. No, Sir, he remembers 
to forget it, and he forgiUs it in just such a way as is undtTsJnod 
to be an apdln^y for it. The other day there was a house on fire 
in Pliiladelpiiia, and the engines drew up to put it out, !)ut some 
ntntrah came out, and said, ' let us alone.' They turned uff the 
pipes and cut the hose, and all the time kept saying, 'let the fire 
alone.' Did they let it alone ? This is just the way the neutrals 
let slavery alone. Did you ever notice hoAV ministers pray abiiut 
letting slavery alone? 1 have heard some of them since I have 
been in the city. They pray against excitement and agitation ; 
ihey pray it may not lead to the dissolution of the Union ; they 
pray that men may not be fanatics — that they may not stir up ser- 
vile war and bloodshed in the land, and on they go jraying, in fa- 
vor of slavery, and yet letting it alone all the while! They are 
the neutrals who would turn aside the stream of God's truth, and 
cut off the hose of free discussion, and thus let the fire alone. 

Another reason why we should interfere with slavery is, that 
slavery interferes with us. Is it not unreasonable that I should be 
seized by the throat and told not to interfere ? Slavery has got ns 
by the throat. Tt is gagging us, and preparing to innki" us surren- 
der to the st^curity of this abomination, the great first principles of 
liberty. Slavery Iks done me and you an injiiry. It h;is destroy- 
ed half our sympathy lor the colored man. It takes prayers and 
patience to jet bade to that state of mind where we can feel as we 
ouiiht for oiir colored fellow man. I led the crucltv and iiiju>t!ce 
of t!ia prejudice. I can't shake it all off, I mourn over it ; and 
this is the injury slavery has done to me, and is it none of my 
business ? 

Is kidnapping and murder none of my business, as a member of 
society ? Slavery is the cause of con>tant kidnapping and mur- 
der. ^^housands of free colored citiz«^iis are annuallv kidnapped 
in this CMUtilry, nn-i Sf)ld lor slaves. A few years ago, but one m- 
dividuil, \Vii.i,i,\.M iMor(;an, was kidnajiped and finally niur<K>red 
by a single institution, in the wejlern part of the State of IN'ew 



93 

York, anJ wliose business was tliat? Did the people say it \vr,s 
nobody's business — let it alone? No, Sir. It waked up a whole 
nation, and the people rose in their niii»lu and put that institution 
down, boeauso it had kiduap|)(Mi and iminhMcd a ciliziMi. 

But slavery kidnaps and mobs aiui murders Imudrcds and thous- 
ands, and no sympathy must be expressed ! we must let it alone! 
Men could never come to such a conclusion as this, if slavery had 
not paralysed their feelings. We can't feel as we should feel on 
this subject. 

But if we let slavery alone, slavery won't let us alone. It asks 
us to help in keeping down the slave. Slavery claims the right to 
demand of us to go into the field of battle and shoot down the 
slaves, if they don't submit to their masters. Slavery goes to the 
Government of the U. States, our Gouernment, and compels it to 
ask indemnity of Great Britain for slaves, to wl.om the Almighty 
gave freedom, by shipwrecking them in the West Indies. Slavery 
comes to the North, and asks our Governors to ^i\g us ; and your 
Governor, forgetting you have got any Constitution, or bill of 
rights, tells you that if you open your mouth for the slave, you 
ought to be indicted at Common Law. My Governor don't go 
quite so far as yours, but he gives the South to understand that he 
will, provided they insist upon it. Like the old man in the fable, 
he is willing first to try if he can't stop our mouths with coaxing, 
and if that won't do, he is ready to throw stones at us. Let him. 
I don't believe the young sauce-box will come down and beg the 
old man's pardon, if we die for it. As to slavery putting a pad- 
lock on my mouth, as a man, as a Christian, I will never consent 
to it. I would die at the stake first. 

And yet we are tfdd to let slavery alr)ne, while slavery is thus 
seeking to throw her snaky folds around the vitals of the Niulh, 
atul crush her liberties, and when we resist it, whet) we stand up 
for the freedom we have inherited from our fathers, the dignified 
neutrals rise up and tell us to let slavery alone. 

Slavery interferes with us in a thousand ways, and tlierefore we 
are bound to interfere with slavery. We are bound to interfere 
with it, because we can reach it: we have reached it. If you ask 
me where, I will tell you to look at Governor IMcDuffie, and see 
him writhing in agony and distress, and laying about him like a 
strour nian who is blind. What is the matter with him? See 
Mr. Calhoun slorininij at the North, denouncing all as Abolitif)u- 
ists, and arguing in the vindication of slavery as an abstract gooxJ ? 



94 

You say we cannot reacli the South, will you tell me what ails that 
McDufBe ? The strong men of the South, who had been put to 
sleep iti sound security, on the bed of slavery, have roused up from 
their quiet bed and begin to defend slavery. What has done it ? 
The influence of Abolition at the North has reached the South. 
Now, if this little despised band of Abolitionists at the North, who 
have to contend with the apologists of slavery her^\ as well as with 
the southern slaveholder; if a feeble Society of thirty women, 
mobbed by gentlemen (?) in Boston, for nieeting in their own hired 
room ; if these can do so much to reach the South, and alarm her 
strong men, what would be done if all the North were united in 
moral effort to put an end to slavery ? 

The North cannot move in this matter without moving the South, 
they must move together. But it is said, we ought to go to the 
South, and talk to tliem there. Why so? 'i'hat would make it a 

■ ph'sical conflict ; it is now a moral one. This moral conflict is 
the liattle we mean to fight. The North and the South are like 
two armies lying beside each other. They have their strong holds 
and we have ours. They are prepared for the war as well as we, 
and have <n)l plenty of good cannon, that make a loud report ; 
their Calhouns, McDuffies, and Greens. They load np their can- 
non, to the muzzle ; the powder is southern spunk, the shot hard 
words, and when they fire they are in such a hurry, that like the 
man at Amherst, who was going to break up an Abolition meet- 
inf, they do it before they take away their hand, and blow off their 
own finorers ! After the shot, the Abolitionists look round, they 
find nobody killed or wounded, and if any of the shot reach them, 
they are quite harmless, and hurt nobody. Then comes our turn. 
We have got some good cannon ; good for a long shot. We put 
in love and prayers for powder, and double shot our guns with 
truth and argument, and we fire, and then what a scattering and 
fluttering you see among the McDuflSes and Calhouns and Greens, 
and the whole southern army is put into a great commotion. Don't 
tell us then, that we can't reach the South. So long as we see the 
wounded birds flutter, we know that we have fired into the flock. 
Well then, all we have got to do is to keep up the fire. Send the 
slTOt thicker and thicker. God is on our side; His blessing will 
make every shot tell, and we must keep up one continued fire of 

-love, and prayers, and appeals, and argument, till the conquest is 
gained and the slaves shall be set free. 



95 

SPEECH OF JAMES G, BIRNEY. 

James G. Birnev offered the following resolution : 

Resolved, TliHt the assiimp(ii)n, tli;it man can he happy in a state of ahsolute sla* 
very, is leruled hy fads, and hy his moral Cdiisliliuiun. 

It is contended, said Mr. Birncy, that Abolitionists interfere with 
the happiness of the slave, and that by their attempts to relieve 
him, they in fact rivet more firmly the chains of slavery. The 
slaveiiolders, in making this charge, say, that Abolitionists alto- 
gether exaggerate and mit^represent the condi'.ion of the slave — 
that they say he is badly fed, badly clothed, cruelly punished, hie 
domestic relations disregarded by the master; wife and husband, 
parent and child, torn asunder, at the impulses of avarice, caprice, 
or passion. Now, nobody better knows whether these assertions 
are true, than the slaveholder and the slave. The slaveholder, by 
denying thorn, admits that they would be arguments against slave- 
ry, if they were true. Well, then, does the slaveholder wish to 
give the Abolitionist a moral power over the slave ? If he does 
not, will he persist in doing what will convince the slave that the 
Abolitionist has told the truth? The argument is, that Abolition 
makes the inasters treat their slaves worse than befo-i-e, and that 
this ill treatment is caused by the Aliolitioiiists telling falsehoods, 
as to the hard usage of the slave. Now, to make any thing of this, 
the slaveholder must treat his slaves better than before, and this 
would put the falsehood upon the Abolitionists, and destroy their 
influence. Would he go on then, and treat his slaves worse than 
ever ? No, Sir. If he wishes to paralyze the influence of Aboli- 
tionists on the slave, he will discontinue all severe treatment, stop 
his scanty fare, increase his comforts, and be more cautious in 
breaking up the domestic ties of the slave. 

I have not an abundance of evidence on this point, but so far as 
1 can judge, the influence of Abolition has been to make the slave 
more comfortable. So far as I have heard, the evidence is, that the 
condition of the slave is growing better at the South, and we know 
from our own observation, that the condition of the colored people, 
in the free States, is improved, and this is the result of the discus- 
sion of the subject of slavery. It calls the attention of the whole 
civilized and Christian world to the treatment of the sLives, and 
the master is compelled by the force of public opinion, whether he 
will own it or not, to be more careful. The worse the masters 
treat their slaves, the sooner they would bring about abolition, by 
the force of public opinion, or means more to be dreaded. The 



96 

conorretTatinof of slaves toorether may have been more reslriclerK 
and tlio intercourse of strangers with iliein more iiuiiruec!, but the 
person. i! trtMtinent of the sl;ive has been, on the whole, improved 
by the lal)ors ol" Al.olitionisls. 

It is further said, that Abohtionists liave prevented the progress 
of emancipuion in the South. It is sL>id, that a few years ngc, 
Kentucky was on tlie point of adopting some phin of gradual 
emancipation, and that but for Abolition, Kentucky would now be 
a free State. A great mistake has prevailed on this subject. As 
a citizen of Kentucky, I knew the progress and extent of the mat- 
ter, and was present wiien the subject was before the Legislature. 
Tli'jre were considerations which made it desirable to call a Con- 
vention to alter the Constitution. They had incompetent judges, 
changes were v/antcd in the Courts, and in other respects. Eman- 
cipation was thrown in as one of the topics, but it was an inferior 
ol)ject. It occupied but small consideration, and nobody talked of 
einancipation in any form, but on the ccjnditions of transportation 
and compensation. 

The resolution affirms that man, in a state of absolute slavery, 
cannot be happy. There may of course be exceptions to this, as 
to all other general propositions. Some men, in every situation, 
will rise superior to all outward condition. 

There are some portions of the slave country, about which there 
can be no dispute, as to the misery of the slaves, and in every part 
of the country, there is found one strong proof of their wretched- 
ness. Runaway slaves are constantly advertised in their public 
prints. Those are evidently not happy in the condition they are 
escaping frorn. The immediate condition and privation of the 
slave, is but little known to the public. Let the slave be ever so 
unhappy, the master will not furnish tlie jiroof of it, and none but 
slaveholders and slaves know the whole truth. Sometimes instan- 
ces come to light. I will name one case, which can be substan- 
tiated. A genilcman ot Kentucky removed to Louisiina, where 
he resided many years, and then returned, having acquired great 
wealth. He purchased a country seat, and was surrounded with 
all he might desire. The wife of this man shot one of her slaves 
from her window. The husband applied for a commission of bi- 
nacy. He stated, that he had purchased sixteen slaves, and his 
wife had killed six of them, and to prevent her killing the rest, he 
had sold liicm. Her last act had cumpelled him to resort to per- 



97 

sonal restraint through the law. This is a fact, in a condition of 
elevated society, where slavery is so tolerable as in Kentucky. 

These slaves, though they might not seem different from others 
to the stranger, could not be happy. The very suspense and inse- 
curity, inseparable (rom slavery, are incompatible with happiness. 
All are constantly liable to any severity of treatment, that caprice 
or circumstances may inflict. The very relation of master and 
slave, from its condition of suspense and alarm, must render the 
slave, as well as the master unhappy. The South complain of the 
fear of insurrection from their slaves. If they have any such ap- 
prehension, producing a state of suspense, injurious to them, how 
much more must it affect the slave ? 

Again, the slave has no property he can call his own. He is al- 
ways in suspense as to his domestic relations. The possession and 
acquisition of property, and the undisturbed enjoyment of domes- 
tic relalions, are the main sources of earthly happiness. All these 
are in a state of suspense with the slave. The husband and wife 
have no security in their relation to each other ; the parent can 
claim no right over the child, the child can claim no protection 
from the parent. Can there be any tolerable degree of happiness, 
wiiere the dearest of domestic relations are so entirely insecure ? 

1 behold here many mothers who enjoy the delighful relation of 
parent and child, who have tasted that pleasure, which none but a 
parent can feel, in dandling their first born on their knee. Sup- 
pose that in the midst of this domestic enjoyment, the mothers of 
Massachusetts should hear, that a band of ferocious men in a for- 
eign country, had formed a design to rob them of their children. 
They would regard it as merely an imaginary danger, a scheme of 
violence which could not be executed ; they would feel secure, but 
slill the mere idea that such a design was formed against their 
children, would produce some disquiet. Suppose they should hear 
that these ferocious men had actually set out on this expedition, 
would they not be disquieted, though still feeling sure of protec- 
tion for their little ones? Would not the odiousness of such a 
transaction force itself upon their imagination, and excite terror 
at liie remotest possibility, that their beloved ones might be torn 
from thein ? But suppose the mother should learn that some of 
these marauders, had actually landed on the coast, that they were 
approaching her dwelling; that they were at her very door ! She 
sees them enter — the friends she relied on for protection are driven 
away, overpowered, or rendered helpless by terror ; her husband is 
13 



98 

paralized and stricken down before her face, the child is seized 
from her struggling arms, and carried off shrieking in vain for 
help ; she falls to the earth, and is left alone in her misery ! 

What a picture to place before a New England mother! You 
cannot contemplate it a moment, though a mere sketch of the fan- 
cy, without an involuntary shudder. But this is the actual condi- 
tion of slavery. This fear the slave mother lives in from the first 
moment she is a mother, till her child is torn from her. Not a 
day, not an hour, can she live in absolute security from such a ca- 
tastrophe. Think you, mothers of New England, that the slave 
mother can be happy ? 

Again, it is said that the slaves have no cares, and therefore are 
happy ; that they are quiet and reconciled to their lot, and there- 
fore are happy. How mistaken is this view of the subject ! If a 
man who is imprisoned wrongfully, bears himself with composure, 
and does not beat himself against the walls of his prison, should 
we say he was happy? No, he is a wise man, and submits in pa- 
tience to what he cannot remedy by violence. But does it follow 
that he is happy ? It is this false estimate of slavery, seen only on 
the surface, which deceives many who go to the South, and who, 
because they do not see the slaves beating themselves in despair, 
and bewailing their lot, are. led to believe that their condition is a 
happy one. If they do not see the lash constantly plied, from 
morning to night, if they hear the sound of a fiddle in a slave liut, 
or see a smile on the face of a slave, the report conies to us of the 
happiness of the slave, and their freedom from the cares which as- 
sail the laboring classes in free communities. 

But is it true that men are happy who have no care to provide 
for themselves and families ? If the slave is happy because he is 
relieved from these cares, would not the master be happy from the 
same cause ? The rule should work both ways if it is a good one. 
We will take the southern planter, who visits you to spend his sum- 
mer at the North. We will give him his refined wife, his intellect- 
ual daughter, his ample possessions, his elegant equipage, his en- 
tire freedom of action. Alas ! he is full of cares, he is surrounded 
with burdens. We will kindly relieve him of this weight of care. 
We will take from him his large domains, and set him to toiling 
upon them, at the will and for the benefit of another. Are his 
cares lightened ? He is well provided for; there is abundance of 
food and good shelter, and he shall have clothing and every thing 
absolutely necess,ary to animal existence, provided for him with no 



99 

thought for the morrow. Is he happy now ? No. We will fur- 
ther ligliteii his cares. lie shall be deprived of the trouble of 
making his annual visits to the North, and shall be relieved of all 
locomotion, e.xcept at the will of another. Is he happy yet ? No. 
We will not stop here. He has his wife and daughter laboring al 
his side in the field, and sharing with him his toils and sufferings. 
This is a great care, the source of a great deal of anxiety and 
painful sympathy. We will go further to lighten his burdens. 
The wife of his youth shall be torn from him. He shall no longer 
have any fear of seeing her sinking with toil, or writhing beneath 
the lash of the overseer. Surely that will alleviate his cares ! We 
will go further still in our benevolent design to make him happy. 
We will take his daughter to the slave dealer. She shall be ex- 
posed in his presence, in the slave market. The kerchief shall be 
torn from her well proportioned neck, she shall be scourged to re- 
concile her to the separation, and if he complain he shall be 
scourged too. The symmetry of his daughter shall be scanned, her 
beauty shall attract the eye of the slave dealer, she shall command 
a high price, and be bought for the inmate of a southern harem — 
and then I will turn to him and say, you are now relieved of all 
your cares, you are a happy man ! 

This would be the comfort of a demon, but it is the argument 
of the slaveholder. 

What is it that makes man happy ? 'Tis the accomplishment of 
a virtuous will ; 'tis the power to act for himself; it is the very bur- 
den and care of which slavery divests him. It is not, in the moral 
structure of man, to be happy with the constant thwarting of all 
his powers of volition. A virtuous will, in its accomplishment, 
acts in harmony with the will of Deity. The true happiness of 
man consists in bringing his will in unison with the will of God. 
How is it in the relation between the slaveholder and the slave 1 
The slaveholder assumes the attributes of God toward the slave. 
He tells him in all things, not yours but my will be done. Now, 
what is the great out-going of the will of the slave? It is for free- 
dom, and this is a virtuous will. There never has been a slave, 
that did not wish to be free. Hence there is a constant yearning 
and out-going of the will of the slave, met and defeated by the un- 
limited power of the master. How then can a moral and intellect- 
ual being be happy in such circumstances? Hence is it not 
demonstrable, from the nature of man, as a moral being, that he 
cannot be happy in a condition of slavery? 

The resolution was unanimously adopted. 



100 

Henry B. Stanton next addressed the Convention in a speech 
of unusual power and thrilling eloquence; but as he has failed to 
write it out, as he intended to do from the reporter's notes, we can- 
not insert it. 

SPEECH OF CHARLES C. BURLEIGH. 

C. C. Burleigh contended that it was not shivery merely, but 
the rights of the free, which were involved in this struggle for 
emancipation. It was God and Liberty on one side. Slavery and 
Satan on the other. Who would stand still in such a struggle, or 
who would enroll himself in the armies of Gog and Magog, to bat- 
tle for the wrong. 

Who has rights in this contest, and who ought to come to the' 
aid of the Abolitionists in the great work of emancipation ? The 
laboring classes of the North, will they shrink away from us ? 
The doctrine of the slavery against which we contend, is, that the 
laboring classes belong to the capitalists, and ought to be held as 
their property. This is the language of Governor McDuffie. He 
tells the North that the proper condition of the laborer, is the con- 
dition of slavery. Will the free laborers of the North assent to 
this ? will they submit to the arrogant claims of the aristocracy of 
the South, when she tells us that we must decide between the 
old feudal vassalage for our laborers, or such a vassalage as South 
Carolina offers in her ' patriarchicaV institution of slavery? No, 
Sir, the laborer will not make his choice between either, he will 
be neither vassal nor slave, though the aristocracy of the South 
shall demand, and the aristocracy of the North shall yield to the 
demand, that this is the only way to preserve the compact of the 
Constitution, which they say guarantees slavery to the South for- 
ever. Will the laborer of the North consent to be the victim to 
this copartnership in slavery between the avarice of the North and 
South? No. I see his sunburnt face glowing with honest indig- 
nation at the bare proposition. 1 feel in the living presence that 
breathes around him, in the blessings of home, the enjoyments of 
the fruits of honest industry, in the manly sympathy he feels for 
the wrongs of his fellow man, in all these I feel that there can be 
no hesitation in his answer, and I hear that answer, given with an 
empha.->is like that with which the free laborers of the North ojice 
rejected the yoke of foreign poliiical silvery. Need 1 s'.iV the an- 
swer is NO ! 

Will American.s, as the friends of freedom, the citizens of a 



101 

boasted Republic of equal rights and equal laws — will they shrink 
away ? llow long will they suffer their beloved country to be a 
by-uord and a reproach to the nations? IIow long, when we point 
to our laws, and boast of their superiority over the laws of other 
Slates, shall the enemies of liberty be able to tell us with taunts, 
that these pretended free laws, are made within the sound of the 
clank of tiie chains of the slaves, and of the hammer of the auc- 
tioneer, that knocks off human beings to the highest bidder, like 
cattle in the market ? How long sliall other nations have occa- 
sion to tell us, that ours is a country, 

' Where boasted freedom waves 
Her fustian (lag in mockery over slaves ! ' 

Talk of liberty'? We are the greatest enemies of liberty. 
Our country is a living libel ui)on freedom. We talk of the in- 
alienable right of man to liberty, and then enslave two and a half 
millions of our population. We make Constitutions to guard the 
sacred right of petition, and then deny it to two and a half millions 
of men, women and children, and to all others vvho dare to open 
their mouths for the dumb slave. Can Americans see all this, and 
be recreant to the cause of freedom, to the honor and glory of their 
country, to the destinies of posterity, by not baring their arm, and 
raising their voice against the foul abomination upon our fair insti- 
tutions? 

Who can be recreant in such a cause ? What class of men 
have no interest in this question ? The father? If slavery never 
tore asunder the parent and cliild, if it never broke up filial rela- 
tions, then the father might stand aside. Can the mother be ex- 
empt ? What, can the mother forget her sucking child ? Is there 
a feeling, a tie dear to a mother's heart, that slavery has not tram- 
pled in the dust? Slavery is most ingenious in the torture of a 
mother's heart. It finds out where all the fibres of feeling centre 
in a mother's heart, it gathers them up one by one, until the whole 
are in its grasp, and then tears them away, with remorseless vio- 
lence. While slavery is thus guilty of the cruelest wrongs that 
can afflict a mother, will the mother stand aside, and not say, God 
speed to the cause of Abolition ? Will any woman, whether she 
be a wife, a mother, or a sister, stand aloof from this cause ? 

Let me appeal to every woman in the thrilling words of one of 
her own sex, now gone to her heavenly rckt : 



102 

• Think of our country's glory, 

All diinm'd with Afric's tears — ■ 
Her broad flag stain'd and gory 

With the hoarded guilt of years ! 

Think of the frantic mother. 

Lamenting for her child, 
Till falling Uu-hes smother 

Her cries of anguish wild ! 

Think of ihe prayers ascending, 

Yet shriek'd, alas ! in vain. 
When heart from heart is rending 

IS'e'er to be join'd again. 

Shall we behold, unlieuding, 

Life's holiest feelings crush'd 1 — • 
When woman's hc'art is bleeding, 

Shall womnirs voice be hush'd 1 

Oh, no ! by every blessing 

That Heaven to thee may lend — 
Hemember their oppression, 

Forget noi, sister, friend. 

Who will stand aside that sustains any of the domestic relations? 
Will the husband or wife, the brother or sister ? Neither can be 
indifferent, neither can shut their hearts against the cry of the 
slave, if they act under the impelling influences of the strong prin- 
ciples of right and wrong, which God has implanted in the soul. 

Will the Christian step aside from the contest ? I speak not of 
the patriot now, but of the Christian. Dare he be indifferent to 
the sin and the wrong of slavery ? Christianity ? Would you con- 
vert the heathen, would you commend your religion to those who 
walk in darkness, would you carry the gosj)el to the ignorant and 
benighted corners of the earth ? Go to Africa, and ask the Afri- 
can to become a Christian. He knows you best as a man stealer, 
a dealer in flesh and blood, and when you preach to him the pre- 
cepts of the gospel, and ask him to be a Christian, what will be his 
reply? I will answer you in the very language of one of them, 
when this question was put to him. ' Me too good a man to be a 
Christian.' 

What a rebuke upon Christians, slaveholding, slave sanctioning 
professing Christians? Depend upon it, if the poor African can 
thus retort upon you, your call upon him to become a Christian, 
there is something wrong in the church ; the tables of the Lord 
are no longer enclosed in the Ark of the covenant. You must 
cleanse it, you must put away the abomination of slavery, and no 
longer suffer the Temple of the Lord to be defiled. 

Who then, is not interested in this cause? All who claim that 
they wear the shape and attributes of humanity are interested. 



103 

They cannot be neutral, for it is the struggle of humanity against 
oppression. You know it, you feel it. Talk as you may of the 
acts of Abolitionists, sympathize as you may with the slaveholder, 
you know, in your consciences, that slavery is a sin and a wrong, 
a gross sin, a cruel wrong. You feel it to your heart's core — the 
rights of man are invaded, and until you cease to be men, you 
cannot cease to have an interest in the cause of universal emanci- 
pation. Again, if, as immortal beings, we sustain any relation to 
God, as a God of justice and mercy, we are interested , for slavery 
contemns and assails the fundamental laws of the Creator. 

If then this be so ; if by every relation we sustain, we are bound 
to the cause of freedom, and bound to oppose the system of slave- 
ry wherever it exists, who is prepared to sit down, fold his arms as 
a neutral, and attempt to withdraw himself from responsibility? 
Who is such an one ? Where will you find him ? If you can find 
me the man who has no country, no father or mother, sister or 
brother, no friend or fellow man, who loves to shut out all sym- 
pathies, all social influences : if you can find that man ; — no, that 
being, — who had no Creator, who has no regard to right, no con- 
ception of the relation of being to being; who will con^-ent to be 
banished from the Universe, like the fabled being in Eastern story, 
who was ordered to be driven away into solitude ; to travel on, on, 
and on, until when he shall have reached that point the farthest 
from the faintest breathings of any of God's creation ; beyond the 
utmost reach of the strongest winged Seraphs of mercy ; — he has 
but just begun his journey into darkness, solitude, and despair — 
find him, and he is exempted. 

\Vho then will shrink from m:\intaining the cause of freedom, 
the cause of humanily, the cause of religion, the cause of God? 
But you say, though you are opposed to slavery, it does no good 
but much harm to discuss it, because the South will fly into a pas- 
sion, and dissolve the Union. Suppose they do ! Will you cease 
to tell the truth of sin, because it puts wicked men into a passion? 
and of what value can a Union be, if, though based on freedom it- 
self, it fulls to pieces because you talk about slavery ? Sir, I be- 
lieve that instead of dissolving the Union, we shall purify it, and 
leave it sounder than it ever was, by the free discussion of slavery. 
Abolition will never dissolve the Union, and if it ever is dissolved, 
slavery will do it. Slavery is the only ground of contention through 
the len'Jth and breadth of the land, which threatens to disturb the 
Union, Take away slavery and the Union would never dissolve j 



104 

it would tlien hold together of itself by a common bond of inter- 
est. In every threatened collision which shakes the Union, slave- 
ry is at the bottom. It is the sole cause ol this very discussion 
itself, which some men say is going to dissolve the Union. The 
ground they take is, that perhaps the Abolition of slavery would 
not dissolve the Union, but we shall dissolve it by discussion, be- 
fore ue get to that. 

But who will dissolve the Union ? We shan't do it, the Aboli- 
tionists have no thought of dissolving the Union, and if they had, 
what could the little handful of Abolitionists do toward dissolving 
the Union in twenty-six States, nearly one half of which they can- 
not enter without being subject to violence and outrage? Who, 
then, is to dissolve the Union, suppose we should continue to talk 
about slavery, for tliat is the threat? T\\g. North will not dissolve 
the Union. There is no symptom that looks like it. The North 
is ready to sacrifice every thing, to mob the Abolitionists, to indict 
free discussion, and almost to follow the advice of Governor Mc- 
DuOle, and sell the laborers to the capitalists as their property, 
ratlier than displease the South. The South does not fear that the 
North will dissolve the Union, for so much does she rely on our 
subserviency to her slave system, that she tauntingly tells us she 
knows the North would hang and Lynch a thousand Abolitionists, 
rather than lose the custom of southern slaveholders ! 

We come to the conclusion, then, that the Union cannot be dis- 
solved unless the South does it. Will she? The South is not 
wholly deficient in skill to drive a bargain ; will she pay the price 
of a dissolution of the Union ? If she dissolves the Union what 
will she do it for ? To stop the discussion of slavery at the North. 
This is the object, this is the great desideratum for which the Union 
is to be dissolved. What will be accomplished by a dissolution of 
the Union 1 The line of Virginia will be blackened with fugitive 
slaves fleeing into the free States. Gone is your guarantee to re- 
store the fugitives, which now alone restrains them ; gone is the 
johole compact of the Constitution to uphold slavery, for the alleg- 
ed partial infraction of which the Republic is to be torn asunder. 
Your slave States will be depopulated, and how will you prevent 
it? Will you do it with a cordon of soldiers, covering the whole 
extent of Mason and Dixon's line? With the nearly equal num- 
ber of the white and colored population in many of the States, and 
the excess of the latter in some, how will the South restrain her 
slaves? She must make the whole country a camp, and every 



I 



105 

white man a soldier, to keep the slaves in subjection. But while 
nearly all the able bodied jiopuiation will be required to watch the 
fugitive slaves, and guard the lines of the States, who is to watch 
at home? What can protect the whole South from becoming the 
theatre of another Southampton massacre? Who will keep back 
the Indians from the frontiers, and prevent their aiding the blacks 
in the work of extermination? What will check Mexico, with her 
natural sympathies for the colored race, and driven to fury by the 
recollections of her own Territory, torn from her by adventurers 
from the South? Why, Sir, let the South bring upon herself this 
crisis, by a dissolution of the Union, and the single republic of 
Hayli, combining all these elements of attack, might march in 
ashes and blood through the whole line of the South. 

That is the price the South must pay for a dissolution of the 
Union. Will she pay it? Never. She may threaten, but will she 
ever rush upon these certain dangers, the bare apprehension of 
which would make her a land of terror, from the moment she sev- 
ed from the North ; and for what? When she has paid this terri- 
ble price, what is the article she has got for it worth ? I will not 
calculate its value, even on the supposition that she could purchase 
the silence of the North on the subject of slavery, at such a price ; 
but does she get what she sought, even after the price is paid ? 
The object is to stop the public agitation of the question of slave- 
ry. How will the South do this by dissolving the Union? Her 
first movement would be a measure of greater agitation than the 
North ever stirred in. The South must get up a southern Con- 
vention to dissolve the Union. The call for that Convention will 
be a universal call to agitate thequestion of slavery. There will 
be some even at the South to oppose it. Their own presses will 
be filled with the matter. The news will go abroad over the land, 
that the South has called a Convention to dissolve the Union. 
What for? will be the universal inquiry, and then comes discus- 
sion. It will no longer bo confined to your Liberators, and Eman- 
cipators and Philanthropists ; it will come out in your Atlases and 
Gazettes and Couriers and Transcripts ; it will be discussed in 
public assemblies and talked over in your places of business and 
domestic circles ; in the streets, in the field, in the shop; wher- 
ever mind meets mind, slavery and its influences in leading to the 
dissolution of the Union, will be the absorbing topic. And that is 
the way the South will put down discussion at the North ! 
14 



106 

And what will be the effect upon the South ? Will there not be 
found some there who will doubt whether slavery, and especially a 
slavery that they must lose if they dissolve the Union, is worth the 
price of the Union ? Will they consent to the dissolution ? No. 
They will argue and demonstrate, and they must be put down at 
home. It will take some time to do that, if you use only argument, 
and if you resort to the stake or the bayonet to put them out of the 
way, by Lynch law, then the murder of your fellow citizens for the 
sake of slavery, will be discussed throughout the civilized world, 
and you cannot stop it. What a theme for discussion that will be, 
and how it would strengthen slavery ! 

These are some of the effects which an attempt to dissolve the 
Union, in order to prevent the discussion of slavery, will have upon 
the slaveholders. What will be its effect upon the slaves ? They 
will know of this call for a Convention to dissolve the Union, and 
the reasons for it. The slaves who stand behind the chairs of their 
masters at some political dinner, or in the more private intercourse 
of the leading men of the South, will learn from them the causes 
and designs of this movement, and they will communicate it to 
their fellow slaves, and they to others. The whole slave popula- 
tion would be alive to the subject ; they would speak out, or, if 
they did not speak, they would think. 

Such would be the inevitable consequences of attempting to 
stop the discussion of slavery by dissolving the Union. Sir, the 
South will never pay such a price, with the certainty which she 
has of getting nothing for it. 

Then why does she threaten to dissolve the Union? Because 
she don't mean to do it. She uses the t'lreat because it serves to 
check the North, but she will not carry it into effect, because the 
moment she did so, she would lose the power she now has over the 
North. This is her great lever. She comes to us and says, yield 
me this, surrender that, or I will dissolve the Union. We yield it. 
Again she demands, she threatens again, and again we yield. 
Should she dissolve the Union, there would be nothing that she 
could ask, and nothing we should yield to protect her in her slave- 
ry, in order to preserve the Union. The South, in this matter of 
dissolving the Union, is like the man who threatened to go and leap 
off a precipice if the lady he desired to make his wife would not 
consent. At last she told him to g ) and lake the leap, as soon as 
he pleased, and he went, but just before he jumped off, it occur- 
red to him that there was more than one wouian in the World to 



107 

marry, but that he had but one neck to break, and he did not take 
the fatal leap. 

The South, Sir, will pause long before she will take the leap. 
She knows that while she remains in the Union, there are many 
things she can get, by threatening to dissolve the Union, and she 
knows, that if she dissolves the Union, instead of getting rid of 
the agitation of slavery, that very act would but foment it. The 
South has threatened for a long time, but still she is in the Union. 
John Randolph said, years ago, that if the slave trade was abolish- 
ed by Congress, the Union would be dissolved, and not another 
southern Representative would ever be seen on that floor. The 
slave trade was abolished, that righteous law passed, and yet John 
Randolph retained his seat in Congress, and the southern Repre- 
sentatives are still seen there. They must not wonder that the 
threat to dissolve the Union does not alarm us, for they have so 
often made, but never e.xecuted it, that we now believe they never 
will. ' I will whip you, John,' said a vexed mother to her spoiled 
child. ' No you won't,' says the boy, ' for you have told me so a 
hundred times, but never did it.' 

We need not fear the dissolution of the Union, by the voluntary 
act of the South, nor need we fear it from Abolition, but we may 
well fear it from the arrogance of the South operating on the North. 
If the South shall succeed in bringing Texas into the Union, to 
cut it up into new slave States ; a country peopled with renegades, 
built up, like Rome by making it a nest and a refuge of robbers; 
if this can be done, it may well be feared that it will by and by 
make such a preponderance on the side of the South as to break 
it off. When the South shall have the largest part of the staff in 
her hands, and control Congress and the nation, I fear her intol- 
erance may be so overbearing, that the North will not longer be 
able to submit to it. Sir, this is the cause most to be feared in the 
threatened dissolution of the Union, and unless efforts are made to 
counteract the efforts of the South to bring in Texas ; unless pe- 
titions are poured into Congress to prevent it, that vast territory 
will be added to the slave soil of the South, and draw down upon 
this nation the fearful results of disunion. 

Will you, then, stand still and suffer this evil to grow until it 
shall be beyond your control ? Will you yield every thing that 
liberty holds dear, in order that the South may quietly hold her 
slaves ? Will you strike the flag ? NO. 



108 

• No, NEVER! — one voice, like the sound in the cloud. 

When the roar of the storm waxes loud and more loud, 

Wherever the foot o( the freeman hath pressed, 

From the Delaware's marge to the Lake of the West, 

On the South-going breezes shall deepen and glow. 

Till the land it sweeps over shall tremble bolow ! 

The voice of a people — uprisen — awake — 

The watchword of Freemen, with Freedom at stake. 

Thrilling up from each valley — flung down from each height, 

' Our Country and Liberty ! — God for the Right ! ' 

On motion, it was voted that the thanks of this Convention are 
cordially and unanimously tendered to the Committee of the Park 
Street Church, for permitting the use of their house for one of the 
sessions of this body. 

Resolved, That the Secretaries furnish the Committee with a 
copy of the foregoing. 

Adjourned to meet in the Church Street meeting-house, at 3 
o'clock, P. M. 

AFTERNOON SESSION. 

The Convention met in the Church Street Chapel. 

Prayer was offered by Samuel Snowden. 

The resolutions on the purification of the churches were discuss- 
at length, and adopted. A sketch of the debate will be found in 
the preceding pages, immediately following the debate of Wednes- 
day afternoon on the same subject, where it is inserted in order to 
preserve the connexion. 

ECCLESIASTICAL ACTION. 

The following resolutions, introduced by W.m. Goodell, were 
prassed unanimously , without debate : 

1. Resolved, That the dissemination of the slavish and despotic doctrines contain- 
ed in a portion of the Theological Literature of the day — doctrines which elevate the 
duty of obedience to the civil magistrate above the duty of ' remembering them that 
are in bonds as boimd with them,' and which condemn the advocates of the oppressed 
poor as 'justly liable to the highest civil penalties and ecclesiastical censures' — while 
it shows the corrupting influence of Southern slavery, furnishes just ground for alarm, 
and calls for corresponding efforts on the part of the friends of civil and religious 
freedom. 

2. Resolved, That the promulgation of such doctrines is not less insulting to the 
freemen of the North, than hostile to the abolition of slavery at the South : and 
heiire every Amoriran citizen, as w-ell as every abolitionist, is called upon to watch 
■vvilh mil-easing vigilance the movemt-nts of Ecclesiastical bodies, a portion of whose 
members are active in the dissemination of such sentiments. 

3. Resolve.!, That l\\?. < ■imcral \^•s•)ci,uion i>( Congregational ministers in Connec- 
ticut and Massachusetts, by the adoption of certain resolutions on the subject of lec- 
turers and agents, and by asserting, in those resolutions, (as explained by those who 
have undertaken their defence,) the right of ' the pastors' to designate the amount 
and character of the religious instriiciion which shall be imparted to the people, 
have assumed a prerogative which does not belong to human beings, and which human 



109 



beings ought never to nckiiowledge — a prerogative comprising, in essence, one of tite 
most (lL's|)otic powers clainieii by llie slave master over the slave, ami one of liie chief 
elements of that ccclnsiastical usurpation, from the thraliloin of which the reformation 
by Luther was intended to emancipate the Christian world. 

4. Resolved, That the assertion of such a claim, at such a crisis, and simiiitane- 
otisly witli the responses of iVortherii politicians to the wicked and despotic demands 
of the South, furnishes rational grounds for the apprehension, tliat leading inlUiences 
in church and in State, are systematically at work to sustain the ' peculiar institutions 
of the South,' (which are said to be the basis of our Union,) by subverting the civil 
and religious liberties of the North. 

Adjourned. 



FOURTH DAY'S PROCEEDINGS. 

Friday Morning, June 2. 
The Convention met, agreeably to adjournment. 
Isaac Winslow, one of the Vice Presidents took the chair. 

PACIFIC PRINCIPLES. 

George Trask of Warren, Mass. introduced a resolution on 
the subject of Peace as connected with Abolition, which, after 
considerable discussion, was adopted in the following form : 

lo view of past liostilily to our cause, ami of hostility which, in the Providence of 
God, we may in future encounter — 

Resolved, That we renewedly recognize pacific measures of action, as absolutely 
essential to final success; and come what may, we here recommend to Abolitionists 
to do nutliing incompatible with pacific principles, as set forth in the Declaration of 
the Anti-Slavery Convention, Dec. 4, 1833. 

TEXAS. 

Wri. Lloyd Garrison offered the following resolutions : 

Resolved, That this Convention joins with the American Anti-Slavery Society, in 
solemnly protesting against the invasion and revolution of Texas by American citi- 
zens, as an act of national perfidy on the part of the United Slates towards Mexico, 
between whom are existing friendly and sacred treaties; — in reprobating the s\idden, 
rash and perilous recognition of the independence of Texas by the Congress and Gov- 
ernment of this country; — and in opposing the admission of Texas into the Union, as 
an event to be dejirecated as among the worst calamities thiit could befal the cause of 
bleeding humanity, the rights of man, the honor and welfare of our nation, and the 
progress of civil and religious liberty throughout the world. 

Resolved, That this Convention also unites in the call of the Parent Society upon 
all religious denominations and political parties, upon ministers and peo|)le, upon 
northern slatesuieii and politicians, and upon the Legislatures of the free States, to 
oppose the annexation of Texas to this country, in one unbroken phalanx and resist- 
less effort, and to rally to the conflict iMMKDiATfiLy. 

Resolved, That this Convention enjoins upon all the Anti-Slavery Societies in New 
Eni'land, to circulate petitions among the people without delay, praying Congress, at 
its extra session in September next, to reject any application which may be made by 
Texas to come into the American Union. 

Res'jlved, That this Convention recommends to those Societies, whether they be 
State, county or town Societies, to call at the earliest period practicable, PUBLIC 
MEETINGS of their fellow citizens, without distinction of party or sect, and WITH- 
OUT REFERENCE TO THE SUBJECT OF ABOLITION, in order that they 
m.iy lift up their voices, seasonably and unitedly, against a measure so direfiil in it.s 
consequences as the one contemplated in these resolutions. 

Resolved, That this Convention reiterates the advice of the Parent Society to its 
State auxiliaries, to appoint, in each congressional district in the State, a delegation 
to wait upon, or a committee to correspond with the member of Congress represent- 
ing that district, before the next session of Congress, in order, if possible, to secure 
his influence and vote in opposition to the incorporation of Te.xas into this republic. 

Mr. Garrison said, that in rising to offer these resolutions, he 
felt unusually depressed in spirit, first, on account of the tremen- 



Ill 

dous interests involved in them, and with which he felt himself ut- 
terly incompetent to grapple ; and, secondly, in view of the late- 
ness of the hour, which precluded a full and complete examination 
of their merits. The Convention had discussed at some length, 
and settled with perfect unanimity, various resolutions, embracing 
subjects of great moment, but which were not of immediate 2>a»'- 
amount importance. If their time and attention had been wholly 
absorbed in the discussion of those now under consideration, it 
would have been a wise and profitable expenditure. It sou.etimes 
happens in a moral, as in a physical campaign, that upon the carry- 
ing of a single point, every thing depends — the victory or defeat 
of an army, the perpetuity or overthrow of an empire. He (Mr. 
G.) believed, that a crisis like this had arrived in the history of 
American liberty ; that our national existence was staked upon the 
issue ; that upon the decision of the question, Shall Texas be ad- 
mitted into the Union 1 would depend the preservation of northern 
liberty, the peaceful abolition of slavery, and the union of the 
States. 

He would again confess, that, in view of the prospect before us, 
he was filled with alarming apprehensions of evil — with an anxiety 
of mind, almost amounting to despondency. Without a paradox, 
he felt so much as to lose the power of feeling — or, rather, as to 
be deprived of the power to give free utterance to his thouglits. 
Phreuologically speaking, his organ of hope had been declared to 
be moderate — neither very prominent, nor very much depressed. 
He was certain, at least, that he was not apt to be unduly elevated 
by expectancy, nor utterly cast down by disappointmont, or the 
prospect of evil. No one believed more confidently than himself, 
that ' Truth is mighty, and will prevail ; ' but Jiow or whn it will 
prevail, whether in mercy or in judgment, immediately or remotely, 
was not so obvious. It was infallibly certain, that the tyranny of 
this nation is to come to a perpetual end ; and yet moral power 
may not be able to subdue it — jjerhaps it can be terminated only 
by an Egyptian or a St. Domingo process. It was an extra ounce 
that broke the camel's back ; and this tottering, overburdened na- 
tion only needed to take upon its shoulders the territory of Texas, 
to be prostrated to the earth. 

He would ask, is there no cause for alarm ? Is any man flatter- 
ing himself, that there is no danger — at least, no imwcdiafe danger 
of the annexation of Texas to our Union? Do any abolitionists 
reason, that because it is for the inttTcst of the noii-slavtlioidiiig 



112 

States to oppose such a measure, therefore their Senators and Rep- 
resentatives in Congress will also resist it. Why, this is infatua- 
tion. Was it not for the interest of those States, that Missouri 
and Arkansas should not be brought into the Union, with the curse 
of slavery fastened upon their soil ? And yet they are slaveholding 
States. True, it is often conceded, that slavery and the slave-trade 
ought to be kept within their present limits; and so it has always 
been held, in the abstract, by the people of the North : yet no less 
than seve7i distinct slaveholding States have been formed out of our 
national territory, (possessed or acquired,) since the ratification of 
the U. S. Constitution — to wit, Kentucky, Alabama, Mississippi, 
Missouri, Louisiana, Tennessee, and Arkansas. In no instance 
have the slaveholding States been defeated in their efforts to extend 
the boundaries of slavery : and they as confidently anticipate the 
speedy introduction of Florida and Texas into the Union, as slave- 
holding portions of the republic, as if the event were already made 
certain. 

What, then, is the probability, that Texas will be admitted as a 
part of our overgrown empire ? 

Answer. The slaveholding States are resolved upon its incorpo- 
ration — AND THEIR WILL IS LAW\ 

For the last ten or fifteen years, they have been lying in wait to 
make that territory their prey. They first induced our government 
to negotiate with Mexico for its purchase and transfer ; but Mexi- 
co too clearly apprehended the slaveholding designs of the South, 
and she indignantly rejected the bribe. Finding that they could 
not succeed by negotiation, they resolved upon invasion, revolution 
and conquest, as the instruments of success. Many adventurers 
began to colonize themselves in Texas, carrying their slaves with 
them, and evading the Emancipation Decree of Mexico by indent- 
ing them as apprentices for the short period of ninety-nine years ! 
But no decisive movement was made to revolutionize the country, 
until within the last two or three years. Taking advantage of the 
furious excitement which prevailed throughout this country in fa- 
vor of the ' domestic institutions ' of the South, and in opposition 
to the ' fanatical abolitionists,' the Texan settlers began to throw 
off llieir allegiance to Mexico — put forth a Declaration of Inde- 
pendence in imitation of our revolutionary fathers — and commis- 
sioned certain agents to go through the United States, sounding the 
war-cry of * Liberty, or death,' and calling upon all those who 
spurned a foreign yoke, and sympathized witli their oppressed fel- 



113 

low-countrymen, to rally to their aid. In order to stimulate Amer- 
if-an patriotism, they promised to those who should join in this rev- 
olutionary crusade, large bounties of land and sundry privilcg^a. 
The appeal was promptly responded to by southern slave-dealers 
and northern land speculators, and by the unprincipled, the des- 
perate, and the lawless, universally. Public meetings were held in 
various parts of the country, denouncing Mexican oppression, and 
lauding the 'patriots' of Texas, and proffering to them not merely 
sympathy but assistance. The political newspapers, generally, 
espoused the side of the Texian rebels. Even in the U. S. Senate, 
they were eulogized as men 'struggling for rights and free institu- 
tions.' Enlistments of troops were openly made — money and am-, 
munition were liberally contributed — and some of the southern 
cities were said to present the appearance of being in a state of 
seige. Such announcements as the following, were as unblush- 
ingly made as if the information were calculated to redound to the 
American character : 

' Three thousand men for Texas. — Gon. Dunlap, of Tennessee, is about to pro- 
ceed to Mexico with the al)ove niiiiihcr of men. The whole corps are now at Mem- 
phis. Everyman is completely armed, thk corps having been originailt 
RAISED FOR THE F'lorida WAR. This force, we have no doubt, will be able to 
carry every thing before it.' — [Vicksburg, (Miss.) Journal.] 

' A field battery of six guns — four six pounders and two twenty-four pound howit- 
zers — with all the implements for service, and one thousand balls, shells and canisters, 
presented to the republic of Texas bv Maj. Gen. T. J. Chambers, arrived in this city 
under the charge of Major BIcLeod, on the 27ih inst. They are splendid pieces of 
artillery. They will Ije in Texas in three or four weeks, and the way their wide 
mouths will talk to the Mexicans, will be a caution to all the foesof liberty.' — [Lou- 
isville (Ky.) Journal.] 

Upwards of two hundred American soldiers deserted, at one 
time, from the army engaged in conflict with the Florida Indians, 
and enlisted in the Texian service, wearing the American uniform; 
and Gen. Gaines himself, with his troops, took possession of the 
military post of Nacogdoches, seventy miles beyond the boundary 
line established between the United States and Mexico. 

How were all these movements regarded by our government? 
With approbation, if it be true that ' silence gives consent.' The 
treaty existing between the two countries reads thus : — ' There 
shall be a firm, inviolable and universal peace, and a true and sin- 
cere friendship between the United States of America, and the 
United Mexican States, in all the extent of their possessions and 
territories, between their people and citizens respectively, without 
distinction of persons or places.' — Behold how faithfully we have 
observed, or rather how treacherously we have violated, our neu' 
trality as a nation! If Mexico had acted in a similar manner to- 
15 



114 

ward us — if she had committed but a tithe of all this injury 
against us — we should be engaged, at this very moment, in a war 
for redress, with as much zeal and determination as were called 
forth in 1812 for the protection of ' Free Trade and Sailor's Rights.' 
And to what shall we attribute the present forbearance of Mexico ? 
To a want of national pride, or national perception of injury, or 
national desire of retaliation? No. Mexico is weak, and we are 
strong — Mexico is divided by fractions, and we are united — Mex- 
ico is bankrupt in her finances, and we are independent in ours. 
She submits, for a time at least, because she cannot safely do oth- 
erwise. We were conscious of her inability to cope with us, and 
we basely took advantage of it. This makes our conduct doubly 
odious. Had we acted thus toward Great Britain or France, we 
might justly be accused of perfidy, but not of cowardice. Talk of 
American bravery ! We are both cowardly and rapacious. We 
love to trample upon the weak, and to rob the poor and defence- 
less. There can be no true bravery, where there is not true honor 
— nor true honor, where there is not moral rectitude. It must be 
a nation of dastards, who can enslave and degrade to the level of 
four-footed beasts, a sixth portion of their own countrymen — who 
can conspire to extirpate the half-civilized remnants of the Indian 
tribes, in order to take possession of their lands — who can wanton- 
ly violate the faith of treaties, and seize upon a foreign territory, 
in order to extend slavery and the slave-trade. 

He (Mr. G.) had said, that our government had winked at the 
invasion of Texas by American troops. It was not until the 22d 
of December last, that the President of the United States ventured 
to speak upon the subject. On that day, he transmitted a message 
to Congress, in relation to the recognition of Texian independence, 
in which he held that ' we should still stand aloof, and maintain 
our present attitude, if not until Mexico itself, or one ef the great 
foreign powers, shall recognize the independence of the new Gov- 
ernment, at least until the lapse of time or the course of events 
shall have proved, beyond cavil or dispute, the ability of the people 
of that country to maintain their separate sovereignty, and to up- 
hold the Government constituted by them.' This advice evidently 
came from a hollow heart — its design was to lull the suspicions and 
to quiet the apprehensions of the people of the northern States, and 
to put the sudden recognition of Texian independence seemingly 
out of the pale of probability. The ruse was successful. North- 
ern jealousy^was calmed, and even the anxiety of abolitionists gave 



115 

way to security. Yet, in a k\v weeks after the transmission of the 
above message, — witli no alteration of the aspect of affairs be- 
tween Mexico and the rebellious province, — upon the ground of a 
single successful battle of the Texians with the troops of Santa 
Anna, and the fortuitous capture of that unfortunate chieftain, — 
and during the absence from the Senate Chamber of several 
northern Senators, — the independence of the republic of Texas 
was formally recognized by the Senate, precipitately and without 
discussion — and an appropriation was made by the House of Rep- 
resentatives, as an outfit to a minister to that republic, whenever it 
might seem proper for the President to appoint one ! A minister 
was accordingly appointed by him, instanter — and thus both Con- 
gress and the Executive joined in the shameless recognition. In 
the message of Gen. Jackson, already alluded to, he gave as a 
reason why it became our government to beware of a too early 
movement in respect to Texas, lest ' it might subject us, however 
unjustly, to the imputation of seeking to establish the claim of our 
neighbors to a territory, with a view to its subsequent acquisition 
to ourselves ' — for, he adds, * Texas asks us to acknowledge her 
title to the territory, icith an avoioed design to treat immediately of 
its transfer to the United Slates.' Whether the subsequent con- 
duct of our government has justly subjected us to the imputation 
which Gen. Jackson affected to deprecate, no one can doubt. 

Contrast our conduct toward Texas, with that which we have 
exhibited toward Hayti ! It is difficult to decide, whether, in these 
cases, national profligacy or national injustice is most strongly dis- 
played in our character. As to Texas, what are the items of our 
profligacy? 1. The furnishing of troops and ammunition by us 
for the invasion and revolution of a province belonging to a foreign 
power, with whom we are in amity. 2. The forcible dismember- 
ment of that province, and its transformation into a separate re- 
public, through our instriuuentality. 3. The consequent violation 
of the faith of treaties, without even so much as the shadow of an 
excuse. 4. The hypocrisy of our government in pretending to 
observe neutrality, after witnessing the consummation of these se- 
ditious proceedings without uttering a note of remonstrance. 5, 
The sudden recognition of the independence of that rebellious 
province, solely upon the results of a single battle. 6. This inva- 
sion, revolution, dismemberment, and recognition, for the purpose 
of re-establishing slavery and the slave trade upon an emancipated 
soi^ ' 



116 

So much for our national profligacy. Look next at the injustice 
of this country. The republic of Hayti has maintained its inde- 
pendence upwards of thirty years, which has been duly acknowl- 
edged by France, the mother country. But, though we have re- 
cognised the independence of the South American republics, — 
the independence of Greece, — the independence of Texas, — we 
have scorned even to entertain for a moment's consideration the 
proposition for acknowledging the independence of Hayti, though 
our commercial intercourse with her is constant and lucrative, and 
though her government is far more more stable than that of either 
of the other countries alluded to. The cause of this glaring in- 
justice is to be found in the color of the inhabitants of Hayti, 
which is not agreeable to our notions of genuine republicanism and 
equal rights. 

Texas must be annexed to our Union ! The fiat has gone 
forth from the imperial South — and is it for the servile North to 
disobey 1 At a dinner recently given to Messrs. Calhoun and 
Preston in Charleston, S. C. ' Mr. Calhoun spoke of Texas ; and 
at that name was interrupted with long and loud cheering ; and 
his concluding words on that topic, pronounced tcith deep emotion, 
that ' Texas must be annexed to the Union ! ' were answered with 
a universal burst of applause, that showed how glowing was the 
sympathy of the people of South Carolina with the heroes of San 
Jacinto. He pointed out clearly the vital importance to the South 
of the annexation, and concluded amid great cheering.' 

The Mobile Advertiser holds the following language : 

' The Soiitli wish to have Texas admitted into tlie IJninn for two ieason.<! : First, to 
eqiiahze the Soiitli with the NmUi; and secondly, as a convenient and safe place cal- 
cnlated from its peculiarly good soil and s^alnhrioiis climate for a slave jwjmluiion. 
Interest and political safety botli, alike prompt the action and enforce the argnment. 
The SoiitJi iiave an awfnl foe in all Miose who demand tlie emancipation of their 
slaves, and who call upon them to give np Uieir proiierly now and forever.' 

A recreant northern print, the New York Sunday News, one of 
the most violent opponents of the anti-slavtvy cause, boldly says : 

• The determination so generally expiessed in favor of i^e incorporation of Texas 
into the Union, is hascd upon the fact, that the measure is necessary, in order to 
strengthen the South against the machinations of the northern aboHiionists. If 
the Union continues, the South must be aided by the addition of four or five new 
States carved out of Texas, and one new State formed by the territory of Florida, to 
enable them to hold in check the radicalism of northern representation in the House of 
Representatives.' 

Four or five new slaveholding States to be carved out of Toxa?^, 

in order ' to equalize tiie South with the North ' ! — or, in olhor 

words, in order to give the South a strong majority in both Houses 

, of Congress, so as to extinguish the flame of nonhjrn philanthro- 



117 

py, make Lynch law as administered to Abolitionists Constitutional 
law, change the free policy of the country into a slave driving pol- 
icy, cause northern interests to succumb to southern despotism, 
abrogate the right of petition, and reduce the independent yeoman- 
ry of the North to a level with the slaves of the South ! — The, ac- 
quisition is to be made, moreover, on the score of interest, as well 
as of power. It would raise the value of slaves, from Maryland to 
Louisiana, Jiftij per cent, and be a clear gain to the South of near- 
ly four hundred millions of dollars ! It is absolutely indispensable 
to the perpetuity of slavery, — aside from the efforts now put forth 
in the free States for its universal abolition, — that new territory 
should be obtained, as furnishing the essential aliment of its exis- 
tence. Had it been confined to its original limits, when the Con- 
stitution was adopted, it would have perished for lack of susten- 
ance ; for it speedily reduces the most fertile soil to barrenness, 
and would in time smite the whole earth with mildew, could it ex- 
tend itself over the globe without hindrance. To keep it alive, 
therefore, and glut its horrid appetite with fresh victims, the im- 
mense territory of Louisiana was purchased of France — then 
Florida of Spain — and next, the admission of Missouri and Ar- 
kansas into the Union, as slaveholding States, become indispensa- 
ble. Like the grave, it still cries, 'Give! give!' and confesses 
that its existence is staked upon the acquisition of Texas. Let it 
succeed in this instance — let the precedent of conquest be once 
established — and it will be satisfied with nothing less than all 
Mexico. 

The Texians themselves are not less keenly sensiblL-, that their 
political, if not their earthly existence depends upon their being 
brought, and that too speedily, under the wings of the American 
Eagle, for protection. Without such interposition on the part of 
our'government, it will be impossible for them to maintain their in- 
dependence; for their entire population does not exceed fifty 
thousand souls — and what are they in conflict with nine millions? 
Mexico has been tardy in her renewal of the war ; but she is now 
preparing to make ' one fell swoop,' that shall crush the rebels at 
a blow. Every moment, therefore, is big with peril ; and the im- 
mediate annexation of Texas to the Union is obviously to be among 
the first acts of the new Congress, in September next, unless the 
people of the non-slaveholding States speak in thunder-tone? of 
remonstrance, and unite their entire political strength in unyielding 
opposition. >* 



118 

What will be the consequences of such a step on the part of the 
United States ? 

1. The opening of an immense and highly fertile territory to 
those bloody abominations, slavery and the slave trade : conse- 
quently, 

2. The entire renovation of the American slave system, both in 
strength and productiveness-: 

3. The utter improbability that that system can ever be over- 
thrown by moral power. 

4. The further degradation and subserviency of the people of 
the North to the demands of the South. 

5. The loss of the balance of power on the part of the North, 
and the supremacy of a southern policy in Congress. 

6. The certain loss of the liberty of speech and of the press, 
and the right of locomotion, to all those who are religiously op- 
posed to slavery. 

7. The absolute denial of the right of petition. 

8. The perpetuity of slavery and the slave trade in the District 
of Columbia. 

9. The admission of Florida into the Union as a slaveholding 
State, and as much other territory as the South shall desire. 

10. The renewal of the foreign slave trade. Already contracts 
are known to have been made in New York and New Orleans, and 
probably in other cities, to supply Texas with victims from the 
coast of Africa. The Liberia Herald of January last says — ' We 
have learned that great calculations are already making by slavers 
on the coast, on the increased demand and advanced price for 
slaves, which it is confidently anticipated will lake place on the 
erection of Texas into an independent Government. It has been 
rumored tliat offers have been made by a commercial house in New 
Orleans to a slaver on the coast, for a certain number of slaves to 
be delivered in a specific period.' 

11. A war with Mexico — and, in the apprehension of John 
QciNcy Adams, ' a war also with Great Britain, if not with 
France ; a general Indian war; a servile war; and, as an inevita- 
ble consequence of them all, a civil war.' 

12. A dissolution of the Union. 

All these fearful consequences are not only possible, but prob- 
able, should the measure deprecated in the resolutions now present- 
ed to the Convention be adopted by Congress. Yet, the public 
pulse beats sluggi.'^hly — anxiety and alarm are manifested in the 



119 

countenances of Abolitionists alone, and even they, as a body, 
seem not to apprehend how terrible is the swiftly approaching cri- 
sis — the people of the North seem to be spell-bound by indiffer- 
ence, or to feel that they have committed themselves too deeply in 
their insane zeal for the 'domestic institutions of the South,' and 
the ' rights of their southern brethren,' to stand up even in self- 
preservation — little else is thought or talked of by them but a dis- 
ordered currency, and blasted pecuniary expectations. As a 
necessary consequence, the press is silent and the pulpit dumb. 

Yet, the crisis rolls on ! — In September next, the South expects 
to drive its bargain of blood successfully. The Washington Globe, 
the organ of government, has significantly intimated, that the new 
Congress has been summoned with special reference to our affairs 
with JMexico, and not in relation to the currency. 

Mr. Garrison concluded by saying, that, in view of the rise and 
progress of the Texian revolution — of the precipitate recognition 
of Texian independence — of the determination of the South to 
press the admission of Texas into the Union without delay — and 
of the apathy which prevailed in the free States on this momentous 
subject — he was led to fear that all efforts to avert the pendino- 
calamity would prove abortive, and that our national destruction 
was sealed. Still, it became Abolitionists to discharge their duty, 
and leave consequences with God — to see to it that their skirls 
have no taint of blood upon them — and to sound the tocsin of 
alarm throughout the length and breadth of the land, so that per- 
adventure liberty and righteousness may be triumphant. 

George Russell of Kingston, urged the importance of pre- 
senting to Congress, petitions against the admission of Texas into 
the Union, from all parts of the northern States. Where a friend 
of freedom could be found in any town, he should move in this 
matter. He would suggest the appointment of a Committee to ad- 
dress strong letters to the members of Congress from all the free 
States, to urge upon them, without regard merely to the question of 
Abolition, but from the highest motives of patriotism, to oppose 
the admission of Texas into this Union. Let the appeals to tliese 
public servants, who have it in their power to arrest this threaten- 
ed evil, be weighty and framed iu a spirit of kindness but of 
strength, that shall take hold of the conscience and enlist every 
feeling of patriotism to come to the rescue. [A resolution to this 
effect was incorporated into the resolutions on Texas.] 



120, 

S. J. May — Now is the time to stop the further progress of sla- 
very in this country. One such opportunity was offered once be- 
fore, and it was lost by the yielding of the free States to the slave 
States. If it had not been for the purchase of the Territory West 
of the Mississippi, or rather for its annexation to the Union to be 
cut up into slave States, slavery would by this time have been 
starved out of tlie old slaveholding States, which have now become 
mere slave growing markets, to stock the West with human cattle, 
which the ' chivalrous,' ' generous,' South raises and trains and 
fattens for the slave market ! What a noble employment, for men 
who boast so much of their refinement and superiority over the 
rest of mankind ! Slavery was fast running down in the old States 
when the vast West was brought in as a new market, a new re- 
course for the slaveholder. That gave an impulse to slave raising 
in the old slave States, which has been carried on ever since, as 
one of the principal means of subsistence, for the planters. This 
resource was nearly exhausted, and the old Stales w'ere getting so 
impoverished, that they must ere long have abandoned their system 
of slavery, or been eaten up by it, when Texas came up as a new 
resource to revive dying slavery. But for this, one could look to 
some limit to this evil. Let Texas come into the Union, and you 
hold out to the cupidity of the South another quarter of a century's 
traffic in raising and selling human flesh, for the new slave mar- 
kets of the South and West. Will men sit idle and see this done, 
without a struggle to arrest so terrible an evil ? 

Mr. Jackson of Gilmanton, N. H. referred to the testimony of 
Judge Shepley, recently an U. S. Senator from Maine, who had 
said tluit the moment Texas is admitted into the Union, that mo- 
ment the last hope is gone that slavery can ever be peaceably abol- 
ished, lie gave this as tiie testimony of a public man, who was 
opposed to the Abolitionists, and who views it merely as a political 
question, affecting the relations and prospectsof the whole country. 

Mu. Curtis of Pittsfield, N. H. said, that this was a question of 
vital importance to the North, not merely as strengthening the 
Soulli, but as endangering the dearest rights of the North. These 
consequences must follow the admission of Texas into the Union. 
Slavery must be perpetuated, and we must surrender the right of 
free discussion. What northern man was not interested in such a 
question ? The burden of our appeal to the people of the North 
should be, 'rouse ye yeomen, rouse ye slaves.' Yes, if they do 
not rouse themselves, how long will they be any thing but slaves. 



121 

with their moiitlis shut by the iron hand of slavery? Talk of 
Union? It \v(nj!(J no longer be a Union, l)nt a jarring of discord- 
ant elements. Sir, I would ratlier tlic Barbary States should come 
into this Union, witii their system of white slavery, than that Texas 
should come to perpetuate black slavery and support the slave 
growers of the South. It would not produce so much injury toour 
free institutions. He perceived a prevailing disposition to stop the 
mouths of the people of the North on this subject, but the people 
ought to reflect that this was not an abolition question — it was a 
political question, a question of the balance of power between 
the North and the South, and if the North yielded to the South in 
this, wliat power would she have ever afterwards to exact equal 
justice and equal laws from the South? The North would be at 
the mercy of the South. Were the people of the North content to 
come to that condition ? If so, let them fold their arms and per- 
mit Texas to come into the Union. 

Adjourned to meet at the Anti-Slavery Hall, No. 46, Washing- 
ton Street, at 3 o'clock, P. M, 

AFTERNOON SESSION. 

The Convention met agreeably to adjournment, at No. 46, Wash- 
ington Street. In the absence of the President, H. C. Wright 
was appointed chairman. 

The consideration of the resolutions on the subject of Texas 
was resumed. Mr. Stanton made an able and eloquent speech, 
but the reporter was absent, and we are unable to give even a 
sketch of his remarks. 

The resolutions were unanimously adopted. 

The resolutions which follow were passed without much debate. 

GEORGE THOMPSON AND R. J. BRECKINRIDGE. 

On motion of Wm. Lloyd Garrison, 

Resolved, Thai, in the language of Ralph Wardiaw of Glasgow, ' in c-insoquence 
of ihe ref^eiit liiscn.ssioii lielwceii (leor^e Tlioiii|)S()n ami Roheit J. Brrckitiiidge on 
the sulijecl of Aine.iicaii Slavery, (ieorge 'I'hinn|).s()ri, instead of having sunk, hag 
risen in i>nr estimation, l)"th as to personal clr.iracler and as lo olH -iai ahdily and 
truslvvoi'tli i ness ; and never stood higher in our legard tiian at the present moment.' 

Resolved, That, in (he langnage of the same distiniiiiished di\ine, the defence by 
Mr. Breckinridgi', 'of the ministers and chiirolies of Aiuericta, w.is Iceble, ineliicient, 
and fruitless. The fads against him were overwhelming.' 

POLITICAL ACTION. 

On motion of William Goodell, 

Resolved, That while Abolitionists are called upnn carefully to avoid a couree 
which might identify theni with either of ihe poliiical parties of the country — and 
it) 



122 

while llieir policy equally rpfiiiiies them to ;ili.-lain finin orsjanizing a polilical party 
of their i>\vn— they aie iiVvei iheless Ijoiind l>\ llieir piiiiciplts. td uilhh..lil ihiir votes 
Iroui tlmse wiio either oppi'^e IVeeilDiii of s^peech -.iiiil .if the pre.-s, or uho dei line Id 
act ill favor of iiiiiiian riglits, so far as the Coiij-Iitiition will permit, in tiie Slate aud 
National Legislatures, to which they may belong. 

PREJUDICE. 

Resolved, That this Convention embraces the present occa-'ion, to nc{;e on the 
friends of hnman rights, the importance of inerea.<iiig, persevei ing antl consistent ef- 
forts, not only to educate and elevate the free people of color, but also to eradicate 
from among our white population, and especially from abolitionists themselves, the 
remains of that irrational, unnatural and unchristian prejudice, which, while it ope- 
rates most injuriously upcm ouv c(dored brethren, at the same time degrades, pollutes, 
and disgraces those who in any degree cherish and retain it. 

PETITIONS. 

On motion of H. B. Stanton, 

Resolved, That it is earnestly recommended to the several State, County and Towrj 
Anti-?Slavery Societies of the enttreconntiy, to take immediate and elTi'^ient measures 
for the wi le circulation anioiig the people fur ilieir signatures, to be presented to Con- 
gress, petitions fjr the immediate abolition of shivery and the slave trade in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia and the Territories, the slave trade between tlie several States, 
against the admission of any new slave State into the Union; and also p.etitiorfs to the 
Legislatures of their several States, praying them to instruct their Senators, and re- 
quest their Ke|)rpsentatives in Congress, to vote for the immediate abidition <jf slavery 
and the slave trade in the District and the Territories, the slave trade between the 
several . "States, against the admission of any new slave State to the Union; also,' 
pr:iying them to grant a trial by jury to persons claimed as fugitive slaves, and to 
abolish a II laws which make distinctions among men <m account of C(dor. 

Resolved, That this Convention, in accordance with the request of the American 
Anti-Slavery Society, earnestly recommends to the Seraetary ol' each County Society 
in iNew Kngland, as a measure absidntely necessary to accomplish the object of the 
foregoing lesoluiions, to forward by mail immediately to the Corresponding Secretary 
of the American Anti-Slavery Society, at New York city, the names of two suitable 
individuals in each town in their respective counties, vviih their post oftice address, to 
circulate Anti-Slavery petitions, 

EQUAL RIGHTS THE UNION. 

The following preamble and resolutions, offered by John G. 
Whittier, were adopted nem. con. 

Whereas, The union of these States was formed, (to use the words of the con- 
stitutional bond,) ' to establish justice, ensure domestic tranquility, provide lor the 
common flefence, promote the general welfare, and secure to ourselves and our poster- 
ity the blessings of liberty ' — to 'guarantee to each State, a republican form of gov- 
ernment — to finbid the making of any law, prohibiting the free exercise of religion, 
or abridging the freedom of speech and of the press, or the right of the people peace- 
ably to assemble and to petition tlis government for a redress of grievances ' — to pro- 
vide that ' no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process 
of law ' — and that ' the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and 
immunities of citizens in the several States : ' 

And, whereas, to sustain the inslitution of domestic slavery, a portion of the Slates 
of this confederacy have proposed certain terms to their sistt'r states, as the condition 
of securing the integrity of this union, in manner and form as follows : 

1. From iN'orth Carolina, affirmMig that the claim of that State for penal enact- 
ments in the free States, against the publications and lectures of abolitionist.'!, is clear 
and well-founded, and calling upon her sister States ' to enact penal laws prohibiting 
the printing, within their limits, of all such publications as may have a teiklency to 
make our slaves discontented with their present condition.' 

2. From the Legislature of South Carolina, fully approving the sentiment of Gov. 
McDufl'ie, lliat laws should be enacted punishing abolitionists with ' death without 



123 

toieflt nf cKrgy,' ami iT(iiiiiiiig ihat the f^oveniinrnt of the several States should 
promptly ami eflec-ttially suppress all associations, purporting to be abolition societies. 

3. From Gcorjiia, rpqniring the legislatures of the free States 'to crush the trai- 
torous designs of the aljolilionisis.' 

4. From Alalianii, respectfully requesting 'our sister Slates to enact such penal 
laws, as will linally put an end to the malignant ileeils of llie abolitionists.' 

5. From Virginia, adiruiing that the Stale ()f Virginia has a riglil to claim prompt 
and CMiciiMit lu|.;islalion l)y her co-Slates, to ' pnni^ll those of their citizens who form 
associations for the abolition of slavery.' 

And, -.vliereas, in the slaveholding States, by Lynch clubs and vigilance commit- 
tees, as well as bv unconstitutional laws, ihe use "of the U. S. Mail— lhi*lree(lom of 
conscience, c.f h)comotion, of speech, and of the press, is denied to those citizens of 
the Uniled Slates who are cohjred men, or who hold to the doctrine of the Declara- 
tion of American In, Icpendence, as evinceil in ihe cases of John Hopper ol New 
York, of Albe Dian of Omnecticut, and Amos I3resser of Massachusetts, and in the 
numerous instances of the colored citizens of New F^ngland, who, without charge ol 
crime, have been immured in the prisons of New Orleans, Charleston, and Savan- 
nah, and other southern ports. 

And, whereas, liy these outrages, the slaveholding States of this confederacy have 
already deprived a large portion of the citizens of the free States, of most of those 
privileges and l)lessings, for the security of which the Union was eslabliNlied, and are 
now clamorously demanding the surrender of all ihe remainder, a sacrifice on the altar 
of slavery, as the only means of preserving the Union of the States ! Therelore — 

Resolved, That SLAVERY, and not Anti-Slavery, threatens the dissolution of 
the Union — that it has already virtually destroyed il,so far as regards all who believe 
in and cherish the inalienable rights of man — and ihat nothing but the speedy abroga- 
tion of the laws which sustain slavery can save from utter annihilation that Union, 
formed by our fathers, for th.e glorious purpose of securing to themselves and their 
posterity jhe blessings of liberty. 

COLONIZATION. 

On motion of William Goodell, 

Resolved, That this Convention considers it proper to repeat at this time, the sen- 
timent so often expressed by abolitionists, that the scheme of colonizing, under any 
pretences whatever, ihe fiee people of color, is a scheme deriving no substantial sup- 
port, except from that unholy prejudice which no (urcumslances can excuse, and which 
constilnles.one of the chief pillars of slavery — and, therefore, all the Iriends of human 
rights are called upon, on all occasions, to bear testimony against the advocacy of 
such schemes. 

NATIONAL CONVENTION. 

On motion, 

Resolved, That this Convention cordially seconds the recommendation of the dele- 
gates to the last anruial meeting of the American Anti-Slavery Society, in favor of 
holding a National Anti-Slavery Convention at some central point, in the autumn of 
the year. 

FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR. 

Resolved, That this Convention rejoices in the efforts now making by our free col- 
ored brethren, to improve and elevate their intellectual, moral and religious character; 
and tinsi, -while every encouragement and assistance should be given to these exer- 
tions, that every colored American will feel that a double responsibility is now laid 
upiMi him — that upon his c<jnduct depends, not only his own welfare, but in a great de- 
gree, that "d' his race — and that all will, therefore, endeavor, by constant well-doing, 
to put to silence the voice of prejudice and persecution. 

SPECIAL CONSECRATION. 

. On motion of Oliver Johnson, 

Resolved, That in view of the perilou.i condition in which our country is placed by 
tlie existence of Slavery, the alarming apathy of the people, and the painful fact, that 



124 

most of those who support other schemes of benevolence are either criininallv inilif- 
ferent to ihe wrongs of the slave, or directly opposed to our efiorts for his einancipa- 
tion; we believe abolitionists ought seriously and prayerfully to inquire, whether it is 
not their duty to consecrate most of their charities to this cause; and whether iti 
yiew of the paralyzing infUieiice of Slavery upon all the benevolent enterprises of tlm 
day, they will not in this way more poweil'ully aid such enterprises, than tlfey coidd 
do by direct contributions. 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention are cordially tendered to the Church 
Street congregation, for kindly granting to this body the use of their house fui' its ses- 
sions. 

Resolved, That the Secretaries present thera with a copy of the above. 

Oliver Johnson, William Lloyd Garrison, and Amos A. Phelps, 
were appointed a Committee to publish the proceedings. 

After prayer by H. C. Wright, the Convention adjourned sine 
die, having been in session four days, the most protracted Anti- 
Slavery Convention ever held in New England. Tliiee cliurches, 
Park Street, Salem Street and Church Street, were kindly opened 
for the use of the Convention, and during the week, fron) Tuesday 
until Saturday, thirteen public Anti-Slavery meetings were held in 
Boston. 

WM. BASSETT, 1 
Attest. WM. M. CHASE, I Secretaries. 

OLIVER JOHNSON,; 

[The Anti-Slavery Convention held two meetings for public dis- 
cussion in Salem Street Church on Tuesday and Wednesday Eve- 
nings, which were very numerously attended. The meeting on 
Tuesday Evening, was eloquently addressed by Wendell Phillips of 
Boston, and James G. Birney of Ohio, and on Wednesday evening, 
by William Goodell of New York, Alanson St. Clair of West 
Boylston, James G. Birney and Charles C. Burleigh. The length 
of the discussions which came more directly before the Conven- 
tion in its regular meetings occupy so much space, that the pub- 
lishing committee, though with regret, are obliged to omit theee 
able and stirring addresses.] 



PROCEEDINGS 



^ 
^ 



n 



FOURTH NEW -ENGLAND 



m 



ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION, 



HELD IN BOSTON, 



Hay 30, 31, and June 1 and 2, 1837. 



BOSTON: 

PRINTED BY ISAAC KNAPP, 
25, CORNHIL.L. 



MTEW AArTX-SKAVZSRlT BOOKS, 

FOR SALE HY 

ISAAC KNAPP, 25, GORJNHILL, BOSTON, 
WHOLESALE OR RETAIL. 

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A17TI-SI.AVEIIY AZ.2MIAirAC FOR 1838. 

N. SOUTHARD, Editor. 

No pains or expense have been spHrerl in producing a valuable Abolition Tract. 
The calculations and eno:raviMgs cosi 5150. Ii will contain articles fro'm the most 
prominent friends of abolition in iliecounir3. li also compri.ses facts and information 
concerning slavery, whicli cannot fail to reader it interesting to the friends of aboli- 
tion, and a terror to slaveholders. 

'i'he calculations are got up with great crre, bj' an experienced gentleman, who 
has been for many years devoted to the siihject of Astronomy. On each calendar 
page, there is to be an appropriate engraving, represeniing slavery in its different 
stages. There is also an elegant fmnii^pipce on the title page. The editor lias de- 
voted himself closely in preparing the work, and the publisher believes that there is 
nothing wanting to make the work acceptable and valuable. 

OT°Pnce— ^30 per 1000— ^3;50 per 100—50 cents per 
dozen. No deviation from these prices. 

WHZTTZSR'S FOSIVES. 

Poems written during the progress of the Abolition question 
in the United Slates, between the years 1330 and 1838, by J. 
G. Whittier. Price 31 1-2 cents. 

It is embellished with a beautiful copperplate engraving, just received from London, 
illustrating the following verse in Cowper's Moining Dream : 
Bui soon as ap()roachiiig the land, 

That angel-like woinan he view'd j 
The scourge lie let fall from his hr.nd, 
With the blood of his sul>jects imbrtied. 
Every abolitionist should make this book his pocket companion. Wheti our spirits 
dioop, and our hopes betoine faint, and our zeal is cold, then lei us come and draw 
new life from this gushing founiain. 

[Prom Leegeti's(N. Y.) Plaindealer.] 
' Never did the muse lend her entrancing art to a nobler cause than that which has 
engaged the muse of Whittier. A work like tlie one before us, challenges the read- 
er's admiration for the man, as well as for the poet. The editor, who has gatlicred 
the fugitive pieces contained in this little volume, and given ihom their present endur- 
ing form, compares Whittier to Kurner. There is some resemblance, truly, between 
the solilier-poet of Germany, and tlie Quaker poot of .America, but it is a resemblance 
only in the knulied heroism of their spirit, not in the mode of warfare adopted for 
the accompli-hment of their seveipl ol.jeris ; for the .strife waged by the one was the 
strife of t)lood, while that by which the otlier seeks to achieve a more glorious vi'cto- 
ry, is the strife of peaceful opinion. 

Of the true poetic eiithi'siasm which animates the author of these productions, and 
Ihc spirit and energy of thought and expression which marks most of these fine lyr- 
ickt, we can afford loom only for a single specimen.' 

GUSTAVUS VASSA— wiRTTEN by himself. 
This is the hfe of a native African, of powerful intellect, who 
was ' stolen out of his own land,' lived as a slave in Pennsyl- 
vania, went several voyages to the West Indies, and to several 
ports in Europe, narrowly escaped death several times, and 
passed through n great variety of wonderrul scenes, which gives 
his narrative an interest scarcely surpassed by Robinson Crusoe. 
Embellished with two fine lithographic prints, 294 pages. — 
Price 62 1-2 els. 



J. Q. ADAMS' LETTERS. 

Letters from John Quincy Adams, to his constituents of the 
Twi lf(h Congressional District in Massachusetts, to whicli is ad- 
ded his Speech in Congress, delivered Fehruary 9, 1637. Price 
10 CIS. single, §1 per dozen, $6 per hundred. 

There is no work vvlii( li should, at ihis lime, be more widely scattered, especially 
in Miissachiisplts. If lliis does not stir up the yeomanry of the North, to a cense of 
the fact that their liberlies are doomed to heroine a sacrifice upon the smcdting altar 
of slavery, unless they speedily awake, then will the bloody rite be soon performed. — 
Liberator. 

' \Vc know not how it has happened that these most interesting and splendid letters, 
first piiblL^hed in the Qiiincy Patriot, have not liefore appeared in our columns. Rut 
we can haiilly say that we ipai«'t that it has been lc(t for us to publish them at this late 
hour. iVo 10 is the very time when lliey sliotdd be read. They will prove a spur to 
the gellini; up of petitions, a work which we trust Is now conuneiiciiiij in earnest. It 
would be tvrll for Anti-Slaveri/ Societies to hold meetings, and have these letters 
READ IN VU iiLlC— Emancipator . 

THoi^spsoir XK aivxeuxca. 

Letters and Addresses by George Thompson, during his mis- 
sion in the United States, from Oct. I, 1834, to Nov. '27, 1335. 
Any man who ever heard George Thompson, or ever heard of 
him, should have this book. 138 pages, price 37 1-2 cts. 

STANT02*r'S HEI^AHKS. 

A Fifth Edition of this able document has just been issued 
enriched with many valuable notes which were not contained in 
the first edition. These notes, togeihtT with the appendix 
throw much new light on several important topics. It is gener- 
ally acknowledged, that this work has done more good, in Mas- 
sachusetts, than any work of double the price, ever before pub- 
lished. 

Price reduced, $6 per hundred, 87 1-2 cts. per doz. 10 cts. 
single. 

CKAHIiES BAZ,!.. 

1 vol. 13 mo. This is a story, told by himself, of a Man 
who lived 40 years in Maryland, S. Carolina and Georgia, as a 
slave, under various masters, and was one year ifi the Navy, 
with Commodore Barney, during the late war. Containing an 
account of the manners and usages of the planters and slavehold- 
ers of the South, a description of the condition and treatment of 
the slaves, with observations upon the state of morals amongst 
the cotton planters, and the perils and sufferings of a fugitive 
slave, who twice escaped from the cotton co.'ntry. This is 
a work of thrilling interest, by some considered preferable to 
Archy Moore. ^1,25. 

• We think that Circulating Libraries of abolition books — loaned without charge 
— are among the best means of s[)rrading the good doctrine. The best hook \\c know 
of, to begin with, is the deefjly interesting narrative of Charles Dull. Who will foK 
low the fashion, fir it is already started, ol buying half a dozen or a dozen copies to 
lend 1 ' — Kmanr.iyator. 




Vl/>> -) 




ARCKY naooRE, 

OR MEMOIRS OF THE SLAVE. 

2 vols. 12 mo. This work throws light, in a full blaze, all ^ 
S>Y|over the subject of slavery. It should be used, as a flaming vv^ 
'^ torch, by every abolitionist. Price reduced. ' ^1,25. Buta^'^ 
'Fv few copies left. TS* 

M QUARTEHIiY ANTI-SLAVERY IMEAaAZINE. V% 

f^K Subscriptions received at the Anti-Slavery Office, 25, Corn/till, ^^a 
'ay Boston. Delivered at the office free of postage. Pkice ^^ 

^ ^l PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE. ^i 

f/i& [From Human Rights.] ^V? 

^ Quarterly Anti-Slavery Magazine for April. This ^^ 
^■^-i number is almost exclusively devoted to an investigation of what ^y^ 
'^ the Old Testament teaches in regard to slavery. We think it \^ 



V0 > 
settles the question, and puts the Bible argument against slavery (W 

^^^ above the reach of patriarchal governors and caviling Doctors ^^| 

E^ of Divinity. We do hope that every abolitionist will take the ^ 

kw) pains to make himself master of this argument. The price of |w^ 

J'^>the Magazine, four numbers of 100 pages each in a year, is ^'1. ^ 

^ The numbers are also sold singly. Price of this No. single, Tp" 

^•|37i-2c.s. m 

[^ Bible Argument. Tiie Quarterly Anti-Slavery Magazine ^ 
^Y| for the present month contains an elaborate article on the leach- ^V| 
^ ing of the Old Testament in regard to human liberty, from the vl> 
^ pen of a gentleman well qualified for the task. Subscribers to ^ 
^/rvlihe Quarterly will now have an opportunity to peruse at their l/?v4 
'M leisure an argument to which multitudes, especially at the West, ^ 
^'^ have already listened with great delight and profound convic- |>t? 
i|;tion. _ ^ 

♦ai N. B. Those who are not subscribers to the Quarterly are (^ 
^^t invited to become so soon, as the edition will doubtless soon be|^.^ 
.5^ exhausted** Price ^1 per annum, in advance. 

^ NEW PAPER FOR CHILDREN. 

%k YOUTH'S CABINET, 

IaI DEVOTED TO LIBERTY, PEACE, TKMPERANCE, PURITY, TRUTH. ?>Jj§ 

% Is published every Friday, at No. 25, Cornhill, Boston, Mass. ^ 
1^1 N. Southard, Editor. Tkums— ^I per annum, in advance. |,^;^ 
"^ 1,25 if not paid before the publication of the 14th number. V^ 
Agents, who obtain subscribers and forward the money, free ^>i'| 
^^54 of expense, in advance, will be allowed a discount of twenty per (^'^ 
^cent. (Bj 

f^% All communications, and all letters should be directed, (post^^l 
|; paid) to the ' YOUTH'S CABINET,' Boston, Mass. ^ 






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